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How colonialism and climate change displace the Negev's Bedouin

A new book examines the ways in which Israel’s policies of displacement in the Negev are also drastically changing the environment where hundreds of thousands live.  

By Tom Pessah

Bedouin children take part in a demonstration outside the Be'er Sheva District Court against the planned demolition of Umm al-Hiran and Atir, two unrecognized Bedouin villages in Israel's Negev Desert, March 3, 2016. (photo: Oren Ziv/Activestills.org)

Bedouin children take part in a demonstration outside the Be’er Sheva District Court against the planned demolition of Umm al-Hiran and Atir, two unrecognized Bedouin villages in Israel’s Negev Desert, March 3, 2016. (photo: Oren Ziv/Activestills.org)

What do you think of when you think of a desert? An area with little precipitation, mostly uninhabited except perhaps by nomads? An empty place with no history, waiting to be filled with people and vegetation? A new book by professor of architecture Eyal Weizman and photographer Fazal Sheikh unpacks these assumptions, and exposes how they are being used by Israel in displacing its Bedouin citizens in the Negev. The Conflict Shoreline: Colonialism as Climate Change in the Negev Desert accomplishes this through a combination of groundbreaking research and striking photographs.

Deserts are most commonly defined as areas that receive less than 200 millimeters of annual rainfall. Areas that are beyond this isoheyt — the line that connects the points that receive this amount of rain — are said to be empty of permanent inhabitants, since it supposedly impossible to grow anything there. Thus the Negev/Naqab has become a dumping ground for polluting industries, garbage, and radioactive storage sites. It houses military live-fire training zones as well as incarceration facilities for Palestinian prisoners and African refugees. During the 2014 conflict with Gaza, the Iron Dome anti-missile system was programmed not to protect this “empty” region.

Using Ottoman-era documents, aerial photographs from World War I and post-World War II, as well as testimonies from inhabitants, Weizman demonstrates how, since the end of the 19th century, Bedouin increasingly cultivated this area, using terraces, dams, canals, wells, and cisterns. The pre-state Zionists recognized the Bedouins’ legal rights to the land when they attempted to buy land from them. The desert was never empty, but it was emptied of an estimated 90 percent of its Bedouin inhabitants between 1948 and 1953 in what the book terms the “Bedouin Nakba.” This involved massacres and widespread destruction of livestock and property.

The remaining inhabitants, those not driven into Jordan and Egypt, were concentrated in an enclosed area, the Siyaj (Arabic for “enclosure” or “fence”) — 1000 square kilometers, east of Be’er Sheva. Following the end of military rule in 1966, many of the inhabitants were transferred yet again, this time to townships further away from their ancestral land. Others remained in villages which are to this day “unrecognized,” with no electricity, roads, water, or schools. Because they are not protected by Iron Dome, a resident of one of these villages was killed in July 2014 by a rocket from Gaza, while four of his family members were wounded. “Still, the state has not installed shelters in these villages, as it does in all other civilian communities; it advised the Bedouins to simply lie on the ground when they hear a rocket about to land with their hands protecting their heads” Weizman writes.

Ironically, the attempts to “make the desert bloom” by displacing the local inhabitants and replacing them with Jewish National Fund (JNF) forests may in fact be leading to desertification. Weizman argues that the earth mounds built to irrigate trees stop most rainwater from reaching the valleys below, drying up the ecosystem and increasing salinity, making them less suitable for grazing. The trees absorb heat and water and remove it from their immediate environment, leading to overheating. Data on yearly increases in temperature suggests a local effect of climate change, in tandem with the global trend.

A man from the Zanoun family sits next to the ruins of his house a few hours after it was demolished in the unrecognized bedouin village of Wadi Al Na'am, Negev Desert, May 18, 2014. A women with her 5 children, the oldest of them is 5 years old, were living in the house demolished by the Israeli Land Administration. Wadi Al-am is the largest unrecognized village in Israel, with estimated 13,000 residents, most of them are internally displaced. The village is not connected to electricity. (Activestills.org)

A man from the Zanoun family sits next to the ruins of his house a few hours after it was demolished in the unrecognized bedouin village of Wadi Al Na’am, Negev Desert, May 18, 2014. (Activestills.org)

The Conflict Shoreline documents not only this history of displacement and desertification, but also powerful and diverse forms of resistance: the father of the Bedouin lawyer, Nouri al-Uqbi, who refused until his death to pave the floor of the house in the township to which he was displaced to; al-Uqbi himself, who has accumulated over 70 indictments for his stubborn attempts to return to his land in the village of Al-Araqib, which the al-Uqbi family was told to evacuate for six months in 1951 because of a military exercise; the geographer Oren Yiftachel who painstakingly combed through the legal evidence to counter the state’s arguments that the land was empty (showing, for instance, that an often-quoted nineteenth-century British traveler, who reported that the area was empty, had visited it during an unusual period of drought); and the authors themselves – Fazal Sheikh, whose breathtaking aerial photographs document the different marks Bedouins have left on their land, and Eyal Weizman, who pores over World War II-era aerial photographs to uncover details of gardens, dams, plowed fields and livestock pens in this supposedly empty area. The text is accompanied by a series of historical and contemporary photographs, inviting the reader to participate in the legal detective work.

The Hebrew edition of the book was released in January in Al-Araqib, which has been destroyed close to 100 times to make room for a JNF forest. Hardly anything remains of the village, apart from its cemetery. During the event, organized by Israeli NGO Zochrot, which tries to raise awareness of the Nakba among Israeli Jews, Weizman presented the findings to dozens of the village’s inhabitants, as well as activists from around the country. The event provided the locals with an opportunity to retake their land, thus demonstrating once again how academic research and art have amplified this dramatic local struggle.

Tom Pessah is a sociologist and activist, currently studying at Tel Aviv University.

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    COMMENTS

    1. Carmen

      Way to go israel! Just more fuel to add to the fire at the ICC – not only war crimes, extrajudicial murders, theft of personal property as well as property, rapes, unlawful arrests, etc., etc., etc., but now add damage to the environment to your list of crimes. Kharma is a bitch.

      Reply to Comment
      • Tony Riley

        You mean, Carmen is a bitch.

        The governments of all countries have the power to do whatever they choose to do in their own land.

        They say that Jew-hatred is the favourite sport of the ugliest people in the world.

        You prove it.

        Reply to Comment
        • Ben

          So Tony, it’s obvious to me you couldn’t care less about the Bedouin and their dispossession which is the topic here, because they are not Jewish, but that if Jews inside the same land were similarly treated you would take it quite seriously. Seeing how quick you are to dress yourself in self righteous garments about Jew hatred and all the ugly people out there. But the ugly treatment of the Bedouin here seems just beneath your concern. I think this is morally repugnant and intellectually weak in the sense here described by Peter Beinart:

          “…formulating the answers requires taking anti-Zionist arguments seriously. And that’s difficult for an American Jewish establishment that, while financially and politically strong, is intellectually weak. The American Jewish establishment does not want to rebut anti-Zionist arguments. It would rather call them anti-Semitic and thus shut the entire discussion down.”

          http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.707596?v=9B9C67A2671E4EF065670B8AB0F22972

          Reply to Comment
        • Carmen

          Mr. Riley said “The governments of all countries have the power to do whatever they choose to do in their own land.”

          Mr. Riley – meet the United Nations, of which israel has been a member since 11-5-1949. Maybe israel should be kicked out of the UN or voluntarily leave as it is showing no signs of reforming itself from being a rogue nation?

          “The International Court of Justice,[4] the UN General Assembly[5] and the United Nations Security Council regards Israel as the “Occupying Power”.[8] UN Special Rapporteur Richard Falk called Israel’s occupation “an affront to international law.”[9] The Israeli High Court of Justice has ruled that Israel holds the West Bank under “belligerent occupation”.[10] According to Talia Sasson, the High Court of Justice in Israel, with a variety of different justices sitting, has repeatedly stated for more than four decades that Israel’s presence in the West Bank is in violation of international law.[11]

          Israeli governments have preferred the term “disputed territories” in the case of the West Bank.[12][13]

          The first use of the term ‘territories occupied’ was in United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 following the Six-Day War in 1967, which called for “the establishment of a just and lasting peace in the Middle East” to be achieved by “the application of both the following principles: … Withdrawal of Israeli armed forces from territories occupied in the recent conflict … Termination of all claims or states of belligerency” and respect for the right of every state in the area to live in peace within secure and recognized boundaries.

          Israel’s annexation of East Jerusalem in 1980 (see Jerusalem Law) and the Golan Heights in 1981 (see Golan Heights Law) has not been recognised by any other country.[14] United Nations Security Council Resolution 478 declared the annexation of Jerusalem “null and void” and required that it be rescinded. United Nations Security Council Resolution 497 also declared the annexation of the Golan “null and void”. Following withdrawal by Israel from the Sinai Peninsula in 1982, as part of the 1979 Israel–Egypt Peace Treaty, the Sinai ceased to be considered occupied territory. Israel unilaterally disengaged from Gaza in September 2005, and declared itself no longer to be in occupation of the Strip. However, as it retains control of Gaza’s airspace and coastline, it continues to be designated as an occupying power in the Gaza Strip by the United Nations Security Council, the United Nations General Assembly[15] and some countries and various human rights organizations.[16][17][18][19]”

          Reply to Comment
    2. Eilon

      More Arab Nakba tales? What about a story of the Jewish Nakba?
      Common 972 magazine, please don’t show your ignorance and bias!

      Just ONE story of the Jewish Nakba ie the ethnic cleansing of 1 million Mizrachim by Arabs will greatly improve your appearance. This story must tell readers that the entire quantity of land confiscated is equivalent to a territory of 5x the state of Israel.

      Reply to Comment