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Exit through the checkpoint: Inside Banksy's new Bethlehem hotel

Every room overlooks the West Bank separation wall, the lobby features a Greek statue choking on teargas, and faux-security cameras dot the corridors. Welcome to “The Walled Off Hotel,” the new Bethlehem-based project from British street artist and enfant terrible Banksy.

BETHLEHEM — It takes an unusual hotel proprietor to advertise their establishment as “the hotel with the worst view in the world.” But then Bansky, the British street artist renowned for his satirical and political graffiti, isn’t your average hotelier. With his name already well-established in Israel-Palestine thanks to his famous creations on the West Bank separation wall and in Gaza, Banksy has now opened “The Walled Off Hotel” (a pun on “Waldorf”) in Bethlehem, right next to the wall.

The hotel, which will only start receiving guests in two months’ time, was open on Friday to a select list of news outlets: CNN, the BBC, The Guardian, a few international news agencies — and Local Call and +972 Magazine. Banksy’s strap-line for his new venture is not inaccurate: from the dining room, as well as from each of the 10 guest rooms, there is a one view alone: the grey concrete slabs of the separation fence.

“It’s kind of a mix between the Mad Hatter’s tea party in Alice in Wonderland, and the house from ‘The Addams Family,’” muses Maayan Dak, a leftwing activist and my companion on the tour. And indeed, Banksy’s hotel — a business, art show and protest project rolled into one — does have the feel of a haunted house, at once terrible and magical.

Visitors to the hotel are welcomed at the entrance by a monkey-porter, one of whose suitcases has fallen open, its contents spilling onto the street opposite the separation wall. The lobby is decorated with works of art, all distortions of classic pieces: Turner-style paintings of the sea with lifebelts from refugees in the Mediterranean thrown in; a Greek-style statue choking on tear gas; a small portrait of Jesus with a the red dot of a sniper rifle sight on his forehead; a Vermeer-style farmhouse being bulldozed by a D-9 Caterpillar, and more.

Alongside all this, and throughout the hotel, typical Banksy motifs are on display: the rat, a protester throwing a bunch of flowers instead of a Molotov cocktail, slingshots, security cameras.

The hotel manager and a large team of staff, all Bethlehem residents, received visitors in the lobby. The...

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Hundreds march in Hebron: 'Open segregated Shuhada Street'

Israeli soldiers fire volleys of tear gas to break up the protest, prevent the march from reaching the street Israel has forbidden Palestinians but not Jews from walking or driving down.

Around 400 people marched through the West Bank city of Hebron on Friday to mark 23 years since the Ibrahimi Mosque (Cave of the Patriarchs) Massacre, and demanded the city’s Shuhada Street be re-opened to Palestinian residents, and to end the occupation. Shuhada Street has been segregated — closed to Palestinians but not Jews — for 16 years: Palestinian residents cannot walk out their front doors, and shops owned by Palestinians have long been forced shuttered.

The protest departed from H1, the Oslo-era designation separating the part of Hebron under Palestinian administration and the part run by the Israeli army, where the city’s Israeli settlements are located. The goal was to reach Shuhada Street. The protesters chanted against Israeli settlements, and expressed solidarity with those being displaced from Umm al-Hiran.

Read also: +972’s special coverage marking 20 years since the Ibrahimi Mosque Massacre

Waiting along the route of the march, on the side of the city allegedly controlled by the Palestinian Authority, were Israeli soldiers. The moment the marchers came into sight, the soldiers began firing intense volleys of tear gas. Very quickly, the vast majority of the protesters dispersed into alleys and side streets that filled up with gas, while a number of local youths stayed behind to respond to the soldiers by throwing stones.

Many people suffered from tear gas inhalation; an Israeli photographer was beaten by soldiers. It was unclear at the time of writing if or how many injuries or arrests there were.

The protest march was organized by a coalition of Palestinian left-wing political parties, Youth Against Settlements, “Human Rights Defenders” (HRD), various women’s organizations and others, and Tarabut-Hithabrut. Palestinian parliamentarian Mustafa Barghouti also took part, along with representatives of the popular committees of Nabi Saleh and Bil’in.

Activists said that Israeli forces raided two organizers’ homes Thursday night and threatened them, saying the march should not take place as planned. The activists were Badee Dwaik from HRD and Anan Da’ana from the Committee to Protect Hebron.

Friday’s march marked the end of two weeks of protest actions in Hebron, all of which called to re-open Shuhada Street. Thousands of Palestinian residents suffer negative consequences from the...

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Israel releases Palestinian journalist after 10 months with no trial

After 10 months of administrative detention, it appears the army no longer views Omar Nazzal as a dangerous threat — just like countless other administrative detainees who sit in prison for months, if not years.

Palestinian journalist Omar Nazzal was released from Israeli prison on Monday after 10 months in administrative detention. Upon his release, Nazzal, a member of the General Secretariat of the Palestinian Journalists’ Syndicate, was welcomed by family members and supporters outside Ofer military prison, near Ramallah.

Nazzal, 55, was first detained in April at Allenby Bridge while trying to leave the West Bank en route to an international conference in Europe. He was interrogated for a week, after which he was put in administrative detention for a period of four months. The administrative order was twice renewed, once in August and in November.

Administrative detention is an extreme measure meant to be adopted rarely and with moderation. Detainees are held indefinitely without charge or trial — without any way to defend themselves.

The Israeli army and Shin Bet Security Service claim Nazzal is affiliated with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, which Israel views as a terrorist organization. Nazzal repeatedly denied the charge and demanded to either sentenced or released. According to his lawyer, Nazzal was jailed by Israel for his repeated criticism of the Palestinian Authority.

Journalists’ associations worldwide condemned Nazzal’s detention and called for his imminent release. In response to the army’s decision, Phillipe Leruth, the president of the International Federation of Journalists, said that “Israel’s policy of administrative detention is a violation of human rights, of the right to a fair trial, and the presumption of innocence. We are very disturbed by the fact that Israeli authorities continue with this policy and extends it without limits.”

After 10 months of administrative detention, it appears that the army no longer views Omar Nazzal as a dangerous threat — just like countless other administrative detainees who sit in prison for months, if not years.

Israel continues to hold four other Palestinian journalists in administrative detention: Muhammad al-Qeeq (this is his second time under administrative detention; he was previously released following a hunger strike, but was arrested again), Osama Shaheen (who ran a Palestinian radio station shut down by the army) Hassan Safadi, and Nidal Abu-Akar.

Due to the relatively high number of Palestinian journalists in administrative detention, the Union of Israeli Journalists...

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12 years strong: Hundreds march against Israel's wall in Bil'in

Perhaps finally learning the value of nonviolence from the villagers, the Israeli army did not disperse the weekly protest on Friday. Youth manage to pry open gate in the wall.

Some 300 people — Palestinians, Israelis and internationals — took part in a protest march Friday from the West Bank village of Bil’in to Israel’s separation barrier, built on the village’s land, to mark 12 years of continuous popular struggle against the wall, Israel’s settlements, and its military occupation of Palestine.

Unlike nearly every other Friday over the past 12 years, no soldiers came to break up the protest, an anomaly that allowed the demonstrators to march unimpeded through blooming almond trees and olive groves, all the way to the wall.

Several of the protesters climbed the wall and tore off pieces of the fencing from the top, while others pried open a heavy steel gate in the wall. On the other side of the wall is a neighborhood of the Modi’in Ilit settlement, which is built on Bil’in’s land.

Among the participants were Higher Arab Monitoring Committee chairman, former MK Mohammed Barakeh, and Palestinian Legislative Council member Mustafa Barghouti. Also present was a group of U.S. military veterans who came to stand in solidarity with the village and its struggle.

The Israeli army’s decision to simply not show up at the protest deserves special note. Soldiers have been sent to the weekly protest to forcefully suppress the residents’ struggle, both when it has been entirely nonviolent and when stones have been thrown. Even after the separation wall was built and after it was moved further from the village, the soldiers continued to show up each week and attack the protest, to cross the wall and chase the protesters all the way back into the village.

The presence of the soldiers and their violence toward the legitimate protests would lead to stone throwing, which in turn escalated into harsher violence on the part of the soldiers. Israeli soldiers have killed two — completely nonviolent — Bil’in residents over the years, seriously wounded others, and arrested hundreds.

In recent months, it seems, the army finally learned the strategic advantages of nonviolence from the residents and activists of Bil’in, and stopped coming to suppress the protests. Instead, the soldiers mostly watch the protest from afar, and sometimes — like today — just don’t show up, and allow the protest...

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Trump's radical message to Israel

The American president shocked many with his willingness to abandon the two-state paradigm. But that wasn’t the radical part of his message to Netanyahu and Israelis.

“I’m looking at two-state and one-state and I like the one that both parties like. I’m very happy with the one that both parties like.” Ever since President Donald Trump uttered that surprising sentence at a joint press conference with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the White House on Wednesday, commentators and politicians alike have been trying to analyze and understand what exactly he meant and what it might mean.

In Israel, Thursday morning’s headlines focused on the first part of the sentence. It was the first time in many years that an American president raised the idea of an alternative to the two-state solution — and not as a warning but rather as a possibility. The two-state solution, after all, is the only solution that has been accepted by the international community, and at least formally, by most Israelis and Palestinians.

From and Israeli perspective, however, the radical part of Trump’s message was in the second sentence.

The current Israeli political discourse, after all, tends to have one common denominator. In one corner you have the retired generals who advocate a unilateral “separation” from the Palestinians. Then you have the far-right and the likes of Naftali Bennett promoting various iterations of unilateral annexation. Netanyahu simply wants to maintain a lopsided status quo. All of those share a common point of departure: maintaining Jewish supremacy in Israel-Palestine, but more importantly, preserving Israel’s exclusive right to decide and define the resolution of the Palestinian conflict.

In Trump’s view, at least according to what he said Wednesday night (which, as we know, does not necessarily have any relation to his views Thursday morning), the desired outcome to the conflict is one that is acceptable to both sides. That doesn’t mean withdrawing to the borders Israelis want on Israeli terms. It doesn’t mean unilaterally annexing parts of the West Bank. It means an agreement.

I don’t have any illusions about Donald Trump. I am not counting on a misogynistic, racist real estate mogul to save us from ourselves. We cannot pin our hopes on anyone coming to save us. But the fact that even the United States president, on whom the Israeli Right has pinned its hopes, stated that any agreement must...

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Israel's land theft law is just the tip of the settlement iceberg

Anyone who condemns Israel’s new law authorizing the theft of private Palestinian land, while forgetting the mass theft engendered by the settlement enterprise as a whole, is doing an injustice to the fight for equality in this land.

The Knesset on Monday night passed the “formalization law” (also translated as the “normalization law”), which retroactively legalizes dozens of settlement outposts in the West Bank — almost 4,000 housing units. The law essentially formalizes settler theft of private Palestinian land, allowing the state to force compensation on Palestinians for land they own that has been taken over by settlers.

The law is shocking. Israel’s attorney general, a Netanyahu appointee, has already said it is unconstitutional and that he would not be able to defend it in the High Court of Justice. Several human rights NGOs have already signaled their intent to petition the High Court to strike down the law.

The law is also remarkable because the occupied Palestinian territories have never been annexed to Israel, which means that the laws within them are (supposed to be) determined by officers in the military regime, not by Israel’s parliament which has no jurisdiction.

But putting aside the shock that such terrible legislation was passed, we need to remember that the law is a drop in the ocean of the settlement enterprise, Israel’s biggest project in the occupied territories.

Every Israeli government over the last 50 years has contributed to bringing more than 750,000 of its citizens into the territories Israel occupied in 1967. Establishing settlements in occupied territory is against international law, as the UN Security Council recently reminded us. No country in the world has ever recognized the legality of the settlements, even if the Israeli High Court of Justice has declined to do so.

There is a simple logic to forbidding an occupying power from transferring its own citizens into the territory it’s occupying: firstly, to allow for a solution to the conflict by preventing a state from developing long-term interests through military rule; secondly, to guard against the theft of resources from the group under occupation; and thirdly, to prevent a situation in which two separate groups live on the same land under separate legal systems.

The reality in the occupied territories proves these points: thanks to the settlements, the West Bank is home to Israeli citizens who live under the Israeli democracy...

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Thousands of Palestinians and Jews protest gov't racism in Tel Aviv

Over 5,000 people marched in Tel Aviv in one of the largest Arab-Jewish demonstrations the city has seen in years.

Over 5,000 Arab and Jewish demonstrators from across the country marched together on Saturday night in Tel Aviv against home demolitions and in support of equality for all. The demonstrators called on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan to step down, after months of incitement against Palestinian citizens of Israel.

The demonstration was organized by a large coalition of organizations and political parties, including “Standing Together,” Hadash, Meretz, “Yad B’Yad,” “Sikuy,” and others, was the largest Arab-Jewish protest Tel Aviv had seen in years. The protesters marched along King George St. while chanting slogans such “Jews and Arabs refuse to be enemies,” until they reached Dizengoff St., where they held a large rally. Among the speakers were Joint List head Ayman Odeh and Meretz MK Michal Rozin. Meretz chairwoman Zehava Galon and representatives of the Zionist Union, who were supposed to attend, were absent.

Dr. Amal Abu Sa’ad, the widow of Yacoub Abu al-Qi’an, who was shot and killed by police in the Bedouin village of Umm el-Hiran last month. Abu Sa’ad spoke about her husband’s death at the hands of the police, about the struggle to force the state to release his body and clear his name of all wrongdoing, as well as the tragic death of Erez Levy, the police officer who was also killed in the clashes in Umm el-Hiran. “It is important for me to send a message to the prime minister and his cabinet: despite your incitement, racism, and discrimination in legislation, enforcement, infrastructure, and government services — you will not be able to divide the citizens of this country.” Abu Sa’ad also called to establish a government commission to investigate the events at Umm el-Hiran. “Let us make this place worth living in, out of respect for Yacoub and Erez.”

Odeh, who spoke next, reiterated his call from a year ago to build an Arab-Jewish democratic camp that would oppose both the Right and the Zionist Left, that would call for full equality and democracy. Dr. Meir Buzaglo, a lecturer in the Department of Philosophy at the Hebrew University, invoked the shared history of Jews and Muslims in Morocco to promote coexistence in Israel, while Bar Itamari and Fatima Yahiye, two students from the bilingual Arab-Jewish school, Hand-in-Hand — Bridge...

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Two months on, still no evidence of a 'fire intifada' in Israel

The Israeli media and politicians’ narrative of a Palestinian ‘arson intifada’ remains in place, despite there not being even a shred of evidence to support their story. 

Over the last couple of days several people have sent me an article by Kalman Liebskind from last Friday’s Ma’ariv newspaper, which cited statistics from Israel’s Fire and Rescue Services on the wave of fires that swept Israel at the end of November. The piece claimed that almost all the fires investigated by the authorities were due to arson. Given how I wrote at the time that there were no known facts to suggest that the fires were entirely — or even mostly — due to a “fire intifada” or “arson terror,” as they were being dubbed by Israeli politicians and the media, people wanted to know my thoughts on the latest figures. So I thought it would be worthwhile setting a few things straight.

First of all, I didn’t say at the time, nor am I claiming now, that there are not and have never been cases of nationalistic arson. It’s absolutely possible that there have been, and in certain instances (almost all of them over the Green Line, in the occupied Palestinian territories that are under a military regime) it’s very likely that nationalistic arson has occurred.

But as of now, there is not even a single person who has been arrested and charged with nationalistic arson, there is no clear evidence of such activity, and no one who was arrested and indicted on arson charges (all of them Arabs, by the way), is suspected of acting out of nationalistic motives. The new statistics published in the Ma’ariv article don’t change any of this.

Let’s look at the figures themselves — which, it must be noted, are still not sufficiently clear. The article talks about 71 incidents of arson that were investigated, out of 80. But what proportion of the fires did these 80 cases of arson represent? Wikipedia says that there were over 1,700 fires in Israel during that period, so 80 is a rather small minority. A figure of 39 large fires was mentioned in Ha’aretz last week, but how many lesser fires were there? (By the way, Ha’aretz revealed last week that in response to a freedom of information request to the Fire and Rescue Services, they were told there...

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250 high school students declare support for conscientious objectors

Students at Tel Aviv’s Ironi Alef sign petition in support of Tamar Alon and Tamar Ze’evi, who refuse to serve in the army over their opposition to the occupation.

Over 240 Israeli high school students signed a petition on Friday morning in support of two conscientious objectors.

The petition, organized by Mesarvot, an Israeli NGO that supports conscientious objectors, called to support Tamar Alon — a former student at Tel Aviv’s Ironi Alef High School, where the petition was circulated — and Tamar Ze’evi. The two are now serving their fourth stint in military prison for refusing to serve in the IDF due to their opposition to the occupation.

On Monday Alon, 18, and Ze’evi, 19, declared their refusal to join the army, for which they were sentenced to 30 days’ detention, at Tel Hashomer induction center. The army also decided to separate the two women, sending them to different prisons. By the end of this latest period in jail, they will have spent a total of 74 days behind bars for refusing to serve in the army.

Standing at the entrance to the induction center, the women said: “The choice to refuse army service is one of the stepping stones to turning life in this homeland into one of peace, freedom and fellowship. In our refusal to take part in a system of oppression, we are in solidarity with everyone who is being denied the freedom of choice.”

Alon and Ze’evi both requested that they perform civilian national service instead of military service. In her original declaration of her refusal to serve, Ze’evi, a resident of Jerusalem, wrote: “Out of love for this land and the human beings who live in it, I want to believe, and I do believe that there is a different path and that we can effect change.”

Alon, who lives in Tel Aviv, wrote in her declaration: “I can’t accept the claim that the oppression of another people, the denial of basic human rights, and racism and hatred are necessary for the existence of State of Israel.”

This article was first published in Hebrew on Local Call. Read it here.

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Deputy defense minister wants to give IDF soldiers a license to kill

Eli Ben Dahan, who once called Palestinians ‘subhuman,’ wants soldiers to be able to freely shoot to kill.

Israel’s Deputy Defense Minister Eli Ben Dahan is reportedly working on submitting a bill proposal that will grant soldiers a license to kill, according to a Channel 2 news report that aired Saturday evening.

The bill will allow security forces to “enjoy immunity from actions they carried out or refrained from carrying out, and all before, after, and during an operational activity or terrorist attack that was not part of the day-to-day operational activities of the unit in which he/she works or serves.”

In other words: soldiers and police officers will be able to shoot to kill — before, during, or after a military operation, and regardless of how justified the act is.

The law comes as a response to the conviction of Elor Azaria, an Israeli soldier who was filmed firing a bullet into the head of Abdel Fateh al-Sharif in Hebron in March of last year. The latter had attempted to stab soldiers on patrol but was shot and incapacitated. The video sparked controversy both in Israel and abroad, leading to one of the most polarizing trials in recent Israeli history.

Ben Dahan, a rabbi from the Jewish Home party — who previously said that Palestinians are sub-human and that even homosexual Jews are superior to non-Jews — is not talking about cases in which Israeli or Jewish lives are put in danger. After all, the IDF’s open-fire regulations already cover those scenarios.

The man in charge of the day-to-day life of Palestinians in the occupied territories simply wants to justify every action, including killing, which today is considered a criminal act — just like the case of Elor Azaria. Just like the case of Yisrael Shomer, who very clearly chased after a Palestinian teen who did not endanger him and shot him in the head and the back (the Military Advocate General ended up closing the case). Just like Ben Deri, who shot a Palestinian in the back during a protest in Beitunia. Just like the two Israeli soldiers who shot Samir Awad in the back as he fled from them, wounded and unarmed, killing him. There are many, many other cases, like the ones described in John Brown and Noam Rotem’s excellent series, License to Kill.

This article was first published in Hebrew on Local Call. Read...

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Soldiers use force on non-violent protest against illegal West Bank outposts

Palestinian and Israeli activists protesting against settler outposts in the Jordan Valley are met with a forceful response from IDF soldiers.

Dozens of Palestinian and Israeli activists gathered in the Jordan Valley, West Bank, on Thursday morning in order to protest the establishment of new illegal outposts in the area. The demonstrators, from joint Arab Jewish activist group Ta’ayush, were forcefully dispersed by Israeli soldiers, who fired tear gas at them. The outposts remained where they were.

The activists began by demonstrating next to an outpost that had been set up several weeks ago, near Mehola Junction in the northern Jordan Valley. The residents were hosting Israeli soldiers, serving them tea. The army and the Civil Administration — Israel’s military government in the West Bank — have taken no action to demolish the outpost, despite the structures being illegal.

The activists continued their demonstration at another new outpost, which settlers had established in the last few days next to an army base. The protesters, who were waving flags and chanting slogans against the waves of demolitions in the Jordan Valley over the last year, were met by soldiers, who shot tear gas and arrested one demonstrator. The soldiers made no attempt to dismantle the illegal outpost.

Palestinian activists tried, two months ago, to set up a protest camp in the same area. Their aim was to demonstrate against the so-called “formalization law” — which would retroactively legalize all illegal outposts in the West Bank — and against settler outposts in the Jordan Valley, as well as against home demolitions. This non-violent protest was also quickly dispersed by the army, and the Palestinian illegal outpost demolished.

The IDF Spokesperson had not responded to a request for comment at the time of publication. Should a response be received, it will be added here.

Update, Jan 6: The IDF Spokesperson responded that the protest was “an illegal disturbance” [it’s worth remembering that every Palestinian protest is illegal under the military regime in the territories. – h.m.]. The response continued: “The disturbance included violent rioting against the security forces. In response to the riot, forces used crowd dispersal methods and one of the rioters was detained for questioning.” The detained individual is the photographer Guy Hircefeld, who documented the event. He was released shortly after.

The IDF Spokesperson’s statement also said that...

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The Palestinian director bringing her generation to the big screen

Even as women continue to be underrepresented in the film industry, Palestinian director Maysaloun Hamoud’s new movie is winning international acclaim — and puts Palestinian women front and center. +972 Magazine sat down with Hamoud to talk feminism, liberation and Palestinian society.

One of the strongest sensations I experienced during my first viewing of “In Between” was the discomfort that accompanies the exposure of a secret. A personal, intimate secret, which several women dear to me have kept close to their chest for many years, and which has suddenly been revealed in full onscreen. And not just onscreen: the secret has gone to festivals across the world, collecting prizes, winning plaudits, covered widely in local and international media, and now playing in cinemas across Israel (and countless other countries around the globe). After spending years on end in the shadows, film director Maysaloun Hamoud one day appeared with her debut feature, and killed the secret.

“In Between” tells the stories of three young Palestinian women — Layla from Nazareth, Salma from Tarshiha, and Nour from Umm al-Fahm — who share an apartment in Tel Aviv’s Yemenite Quarter (“in Manshiyya, next to the Hassan Bek Mosque,” as one of them refers to it in the film). The plot follows the developing relationships between the girls, and in particular the clashes that characterize their lives: between conservatism and liberalism, between the village, family and the city, and a great deal between men and women.

It’s difficult to say any more about the plot without ruining the surprises that await the viewer. However, it is certainly possible to say that in a world full of cigarettes, drugs, alcohol, parties, guys, lesbian relationships and sex, each one of the girls needs to look over her shoulder constantly, to make sure that there aren’t any distant cousins in a Tel Aviv bar who will report back to the family where and with whom she has gone out.

I know these women, and this looking over the shoulder. Hamoud herself says that her family never learned of her city life, and that her father would often receive reports that she’d been seen drinking beer — reports she quickly denied. And now, everything is out in the open — an entire world that no one had previously spoken of or written about —...

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With the Right firmly in power, Israel's 'peace camp' turns on itself

In a new campaign against an attempt to legalize the most blatant settler land theft, dozens of left-wing Zionist heavyweights instead blame the ‘radical left’ for the absence of peace.

Several dozen Israeli academic, cultural and military heavyweights published full-page ads in two leading Israeli newspapers Friday morning denouncing a proposed law that would retroactive legalize the theft of Palestinian land.

Israel’s attorney general has declared the so-called “normalization law” to be unconstitutional, and world powers cited it as one of the central factors that drove the passage of UN Security Council Resolution 2334 last week.

The full-page ads read:

This law contradicts natural justice, it contradicts international law and morals. MK Benny Begin is the one who termed it the ‘theft law.’

This extremist and somnambulant nationalist leadership, whose [coalition] partners are religious extremists and nationalist extremists, is going to soon force us to choose between life under a regime led by an Arab-majority, which exists between the river and the sea, and a regime resembling apartheid based on the hatred of others and the oppression of [political] opponents.

The fanatic right and the anti-Zionists radicals from the extreme left have joined forces to convince us that “the occupation is irreversible.” Both aim to make us despondent about the vision of a democratic state of Israel. But the occupation is reversible, and we will fight unflinchingly to end it with a peace accord! (Emphasis added.)

Among the signatories are David Grossman, Amos Oz, Uri Avery, Naomi Chazan, and others.

While it is certainly praiseworthy to oppose the “normalization law,” I’m left dumbfounded by the strange decision to denigrate in the same sentence “the fanatic right and the anti-Zionists radicals from the extreme left.” Has the Zionist left been possessed by the spirit of Naftali Bennett and Miri Regev? In the quest for public legitimacy is it not enough to oppose a right-wing government that is actually advancing this destructive law? Is it really necessary to also sling mud at the more radical left?

Do these luminaries of the establishment left really believe that the fanatic right and radical left “joined forces?” One is a radical right-wing government which holds all the power, which actively working to entrench the occupation, which is inciting the Israeli public against Palestinians on both sides of the Green Line, and which publicly renounces the two-state solution.

On the other...

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