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Goodbye to the Jewish-Arab school that taught me the meaning of hope

For years, Jerusalem’s bilingual school gave an entire community reason to believe in hope and partnership. In Israel of today, it is nothing short of a miracle.

Today is the first day of September, the first day of school in Israel. Putting aside the years we lived abroad, this is the first time in 13 years that we are not sending our daughters to the Max Rayne “Hand in Hand” bilingual school in Jerusalem.

The process of deciding which school to send one’s child begins at a very early age. As young parents, it was clear to us that we didn’t want anything “special,” and that it would be best to send our girl to the neighborhood preschool, since this was her natural environment and it was important for her to learn about it. At the end of the year, after fundamental disagreements over the need for four year olds to prepare packages for Israeli soldiers and questions on who is authorized to teach them about Jewish holidays, we began looking elsewhere.

There are some schools of thought that argue that schooling and education are far less critical than what we tend to think. Perhaps this is true. Our entire family — not just our daughters — would not be who we are today without the bilingual school.

It is difficult for me to speak nostalgically, since not long has passed since we parted, and because we will remain part of the school’s community. And yet, as I write these words memories come flooding back — moments of overcoming and laughter, as well as pain and frustration. The singing in Hebrew and Arabic — full of hope and light — at the beginning of every school year, the first words they learned to write in both languages, the infamous arson, the hateful graffiti repeatedly spray-painted on the walls, the joint Iftar meal, the tours to destroyed Palestinian villages.

There were also, of course, the astonished/worried/angry responses we received when we signed up our older daughter, including the question that seemed to repeat itself over and over: “What will happen if she marries an Arab when she grows up?” to which I would always answer: “I’ll learn how to make maqluba for Friday night dinners,” and so I did. Others wanted to know whether she and her sister would grow confused over their Jewish identity.

That question seems so baseless now. In their years at the school, my...

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WATCH: Settlers sexually harass Palestinian woman, soldiers stand by

Settlers in Hebron use loudspeaker to disparage Islam and sexually harass a Palestinian woman in the middle of the night.

The settlers of Hebron have never been known for their manners. This time, however, it seems that they have sunk to a new low — even by their standards.

Last Thursday night, settlers from the nearby settlement of Kiryat Arba approached the neighborhood of al-Hariqah and used a PA system to curse Islam as well as the local Palestinian population, in both Arabic and Hebrew.

A Palestinian volunteer for Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem documented parts of the incident from the window of her home (full disclosure: I am a member of B’Tselem’s board). When the settlers realized she was filming, they began cursing and sexually harassing her using racist and misogynistic language. According to the volunteer, soldiers who were present at the scene did nothing to stop the settlers.

This video should come with a trigger warning, since the language used in it is too despicable to quote:

A B’Tselem volunteer who filmed the incident from her window said the following the incident in a testimony she provided to B’Tselem field researcher Manal al-Ja’bri:

At 6 p.m. I went up to my apartment, which looks out over al-Hariqah neighborhood and the settlement of Kiryat Arba. At first I ignored the settlers’ party, but they turned the music up just when the muezzin called out for evening prayers from the mosque. They started mocking the prayer and insulting the Prophet Muhammad.

I saw a military jeep on the hilltop where the settlers were gathered. There were several other soldiers on the road below, which looks out over al-Hariqah Street that runs by the settlement. I began filming. The settlers began to use foul language and call out obscenities concerning me, Islam, and especially the Prophet Muhammad. The Israeli soldiers and police did nothing to stop them. This was not the first time: about a year ago, I documented settlers swearing, using foul language and calling out obscenities against the Prophet Muhammad while soldiers and police allowed them to continue.”

According to the IDF Spokesperson Unit, the soldiers present “asked the settlers to stop and even called the police. The police arrived at the scene and confiscated the PA system.” The video, however, does not include any intervention on the part of the soldiers.

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Meet the Palestinian Israel put on trial for her poetry

Dareen Tatour has spent over a year and a half under house arrest for publishing a poem on her Facebook page. Since then, she has lost the ability to support herself, and cannot leave the house without a ‘chaperone.’ Orly Noy spoke to Tatour about the difficulty of living under constant surveillance, her love for Hebrew and Arabic poetry, and the need for Jews and Arabs to learn each other’s language. 

One day in the future, when they write the book on the belligerence and aggression of the State of Israel toward its Arab citizens, the story of Dareen Tatour — who has been under house arrest for nearly two years, including three months of jail time — will have its own special chapter dedicated to it.

Tatour was arrested in October 2015 for both a poem and Facebook post she published. Since then, the state has been waging a legal battle, which has included bringing in a series of experts on both Arabic and Arabic poetry, in order to dissect the words of a young poet who was nearly anonymous until her arrest. Her trial, and the state’s attempts to turn a poem into an existential threat, has been nothing short of Kafkaesque.

I spoke to Tatour by telephone, from her home in the village of Reineh, near Nazareth. As part of the conditions of her house arrest, Tatour is not allowed to use the Internet or smart phones. “So I started using dumb phones,” she laughs. Soft spoken, Tatour maintains a reserved matter-of-factness even as she recalls those first knocks on her door and the moment everything changed.

“It was on October 11, 2015. It was 3:30 a.m. when they suddenly they knocked on the door. I was sleeping, and I heard my mother and father coming to wake me up. There were many police officers, more than 10. They said nothing except that I had to come with them. My mother and father tried to ask what happened, what I did, but the officers only responded with ‘she knows.’ I know I did nothing wrong, so I didn’t understand what was happening. It was very frightening, I thought maybe it was a case of mistaken identity.”

“They took me to the police station in Nazareth, where I waited in the yard until 6 a.m. As I waited, every officer who passed by said something hurtful. ‘You look like a terrorist,’ I got a lot...

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For Arab citizens, 'Jewish and democratic' means demographic war

While much of the world justly focuses on land theft in the occupied territories, we must not forget that Israel uses the pretense of ‘Jewish and democratic’ to actively dispossess its own Arab citizens.

Israeli citizens who may be feeling doubtful about the efficiency of their country’s institutions should take a hard look at the Jewish Agency’s Settlement Division.

According to Haaretz, the division has set forth a new plan to establish Jewish towns adjacent to Arab communities in the Negev Desert and the Galilee, in such a way that would hamper the development of the latter.

The Settlement Division, funded entirely by the Israeli government, is the most accurate representation of the regime’s ability to envision and implement its long-term thinking. Established following the 1967 war in order to “export” Israeli knowledge and experience in “redeeming the land,” the division is also the most precise articulation of Israel’s ethnocratic colonialism, as well as its attempt to engineer the country for the benefit of Jewish supremacy. Or in other words: its “Jewish and democratic” nature. After receiving a mandate to begin work on the Galilee and the Negev, the settlement division has continued its work unabated. The goal might be new, but the policy has never actually changed.

The new plan won’t surprise those who refuse to be blind to the demographic war Israel has been waging against its Arab citizens — primarily but not exclusively through its land policies — since the state’s founding. “Jewish and democratic” is one hell of a beast, and it demands both demographic and geographic domination.

The Settlement Division’s plan reminded me of something a Palestinian friend once told me. “In your ‘Jewish and democratic’ hallucination,” he said, “the ‘democratic’ aspect is far more dangerous to us than the ‘Jewish’ one.” He is right, of course. Were we to get rid of Israel’s “democratic” nature, we would get full-blown apartheid in which the minority rules forcefully over the oppressed majority — which lives in quasi-autonomous enclaves — through discriminatory laws. Who knows, perhaps the world would have put an end to this shameful reality long ago.

But the pretense of imposing Jewish supremacy through “democracy” is what truly dictates the demographic war. One that will allow for Jewish control through ostensibly democratic means, rather than through “exceptional measures,” such as in an apartheid regime.

It’s not that Israel ever refrained from using such “exceptional measures.” The process...

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IDF bans laptops, food, toiletries for Palestinians leaving Gaza

Palestinians are no longer allowed to bring sandwiches with them when exiting the Gaza Strip.

The Israeli military has instituted a travel ban on food, toiletries and most electronic devices for Palestinians exiting the Gaza Strip.

The army sent the new directive to Gisha, an Israeli NGO that promotes freedom of movement for Palestinians, a day before it went into effect earlier this month.

The directive was not, however, published in the “Status of Closure Authorizations,” a document meant to inform Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank about restrictions on movement.

Not even USB drives

Even Palestinians traveling abroad, who must take a bus directly from the Gaza border — through Israel — to Jordan, are subject to the new restrictions.

Palestinians in Gaza are no longer allowed to bring their laptops, toiletries or hard-sided luggage when exiting Gaza through the only regularly active passenger border terminal, Israel’s Erez crossing. Even Palestinians traveling to conferences, for business, or for studies abroad are not allowed to bring laptop computers.

“Every Tuesday there is an organized ride from Erez Crossing for those who want to travel abroad, which takes them directly to Allenby Bridge so that they can go on to Jordan. Most of [the passengers] are students, especially at this time of the year,” said Gisha’s Intake Coordinator Shadi Butthish. “These are people who are traveling to get graduate degrees because Israeli policy does not allow Palestinian undergraduate students to travel.”

“Naturally, they would need to take laptops and tablets with them on their travels,” Butthish continued. “Even USBs will need to remain behind in the Strip. People who are flying abroad for a few years won’t be able to bring their electric shavers.”

Non-Palestinians are exempt from the new restrictions, as long as they declare any electronic devices included in their luggage.

Israel has held Gaza under a strict blockade since 2007, after Hamas won an election in the Strip and took over the enclave. Since then, it has restricted basic goods from entering Gaza, and has significantly limited the number of people who can enter and exit the Strip — effectively cutting it off from the rest of the world. After the 2014 Gaza war, Israel pledged to join international efforts to rehabilitate Gaza, saying it would ease the passage of goods and people to and from the Strip.

The Israeli army sent the following response:

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Why Jewish Israelis should stand with the head of Israel's Islamic Movement

I’m no supporter of Sheikh Raed Salah, but as Jewish Israelis we have an enormous responsibility to state loudly and clearly that which our privilege still permits us. That means opposing political persecution when we see it.

Two years ago Israel outlawed one of the largest popular associations in the country, the Northern Branch of the Islamic Movement. In the days that followed, authorities quickly moved to shut down dozens of affiliated charitable organizations, women’s organizations, media outlets, and educational and childcare programs. Hardly a word of protest was uttered by the Jewish population in Israel.

Sheikh Raed Salah, the leader of the Islamic Movement, was arrested for the umpteenth time this week. Salah has become a regular target for Israeli authorities over the years, to the point that his frequent arrests aren’t barely newsworthy anymore.

According to media reports about Sheikh Raed Salah’s many previous arrests, he has been investigated for making statements including: “Al-Aqsa is in danger”; “the occupation will disappear”; and for making calls to “free Palestinian prisoners.” There’s not a statement among them that I wouldn’t gladly put my name on myself.

So why does practically nobody among Israel’s Jewish population find problematic the almost routine arrest of one the country’s more influential popular leaders? Because he’s accused of incitement, and that sounds pretty logical to the vast majority of people — by virtue of the fact that he has been arrested so many times on suspicion of incitement. Tautology at its finest.

Israeli authorities count on the public coming to the conclusion that, if Salah has been arrested so many times, surely he is dangerous. The same phenomenon of blind trust and acceptance exists with regards to administrative detention: if administrative detainees have been imprisoned for years, surely they are terrorists. And that’s exactly how most of the Jewish Israeli public thinks of administrative detainees, as terrorists, despite the fact that they have never been convicted, let alone even indicted or given a chance to defend themselves.

It’s a tried and tested system.

The bottom line is that every part of the Arab population in Israel is in the establishment’s cross-hairs. The state is engaged in open warfare against one out of every five of its own citizens. That means that for much of what we, Jews, can say relatively freely (not that there aren’t attempts to change...

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Former attorney general stands with Palestinians facing eviction

Former Attorney General Michael Ben Yair, whose former family home in Jerusalem is now occupied by Palestinians facing eviction, says he will reclaim the property in order to legally hand it over to them.

The feeling of déjà vu that enveloped the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah last Thursday was especially somber. Here we were, once again, standing around on a Friday afternoon, struggling against the eviction and dispossession of Palestinian families. Eight years have passed since the first wave of evictions and the large protests in the neighborhood — eight years in which not a single family has been removed from their home. And now the clouds of dispossession are gathering once again, threatening the home of the Shamanseh family.

Over the past decade Sheikh Jarrah has become one of the focal points of the attempt to Judaize East Jerusalem by messianic right-wing organizations. Doing so isn’t much of a task: in the war against the weakest residents of the city, the state gives its backing to those organizations.

What about the homes in West Jerusalem?

The backstory of the dispossession in Sheikh Jarrah captures the moral injustices that lie at the heart of the Zionist legal system. Until the 1948 war, the land on which some of the families live today belonged to Jews, just as neighborhoods such as Talbiya and Bak’a, which became Jewish neighborhoods after 1948, belonged to Palestinians. After the war, the homes that belonged to Jews were taken over by the Jordanian Custodian of Enemy Property, which rented them out to Palestinians. After Israel’s occupation of East Jerusalem in 1967, the land was transferred back to Jewish hands. This time, the Palestinian families remained in the homes, and began paying rent to the Israeli Custodian of Absentee Property.

But as opposed to the original owners of the upscale “Arab homes” in Talbiya and Bak’a, who lost all legal rights to their property, Israel still allows the Jewish landowners in Sheikh Jarrah to reclaim their property, while evicting the Palestinians who have been living in those homes since the 1950s and 60s. A number of right-wing organizations, founded by right-wing extremist Arieh King, are working tirelessly to find either the original owners or their successors, while providing them with legal assistance to help reclaim the homes. The Israeli Custodian happily goes along with the charade.

Several families have already been evicted from their homes in Sheikh Jarrah in precisely this manner. The Shamanseh...

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Conscientious objector: 'I refuse to be a tool of the gov't'

Hadas Tal is the latest Israeli to publicly refuse to join the Israeli army because of its human rights violations against Palestinians. Before heading to prison, she speaks about her about her family’s reaction, the potential consequences of her decision, and why so many conscientious objectors are women.

Hadas Tal showed up to the Israeli army induction base at Tel Hashomer outside of Tel Aviv Monday morning to declare her refusal to be drafted into the IDF. She will likely be sentenced to prison, where she will join Noa Gur Golan, another draft refuser who was sentenced to 30 days last week — her second stint.

I caught up with Hadas on Sunday as she made her final preparations before near-certain imprisonment the next morning. The humor and calm that she exhibited in our conversation surprised me. She’s going to prison the next day, after all. It’s clear to me that she has prepared herself practically and also mentally, including by speaking with other refusers who have been sent to military prison recently.

“I met with both Tamars (Alon and Ze’evi), Atalya and Tair, and also Noa before she went back to prison. I also went to preparatory meetings put on by the ‘Mesarvot’ network, so I feel ready and like I know what’s going to happen. I got a few good tips from the other refusers — mostly to remember that discipline in prison is a game of sorts and that you need to know how to play it; don’t let it get to you, and remember the reason I am there to begin with. Tamar Alon gave me a few helpful tips about how to pack my bag, for which I’ll thank her — those are things I wouldn’t have thought of,” she adds, chuckling.

Hadas, 18, lives in Kibbutz Yifat in the Jezreel Valley in northern Israel. She has a twin sister who is supposed to finish basic training in the army on Monday — who tried unsuccessfully to get special permission to see Hadas off to prison — and a younger brother who is about to start the 10th grade.

In her refusal statement Hadas wrote:

I assume that the high school you went to has a strong military ethos. How did those around you react to your refusal to be drafted?

It wasn’t a big surprise for my family, we’ve been talking about...

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Is the Left ready for the day after Netanyahu?

The political demise of Benjamin Netanyahu could be a watershed moment in Israeli politics. Does the Left have what it takes to swing the pendulum its way?

If things indeed develop as they seem to be and we are nearing the end of the Netanyahu era, then we are indeed facing a watershed moment in Israeli politics. It appears the prime minister could likely be indicted in a number of corruption scandals now that Ari Harow, his former chief of staff, has agreed to turn state’s witness under a plea bargain and testify against his previous boss. It is both easy and tempting to be cynical about the latest developments — certainly from a non-Zionist point of view, which sees no significant difference between Netanyahu and the alternatives, especially when considering that the replacement we are hoping for is not on the horizon.

It will take a long time, and likely a lot of a bloodletting, until Israel’s Jewish population understands that Zionism is a kind of autoimmune disease that brings about its own demise, and that a different arrangement in the form of a state for all its citizens is not only in the best interest of Palestinian citizens — it is in the interest of Israeli Jews as well. This is the only possibility to maintain the Jewish people’s long-term existence as a national entity in this country.

Stop impersonating the Right

During Israel’s last elections, two and a half years ago, the only thing the left-wing alternative to the prime minister could offer Israelis was that it the slogan “anyone but Netanyahu.” This wasn’t enough then, and it is not enough now. With a lack of a real, coherent alternative, the public will prefer to support the person it knows — even if he is a terrible choice. The Israeli Left cannot make this mistake again. This time, it must refrain from trying to be more patriotic or holy than its friends on the right.

This time, it must not incite against or compete over who will make the Arabs disappear most efficiently. It must not bow at the altar of the army, an institution that corrupts Israeli society from within and has too much power. It must to bring that power back to the public. This time, the Left must not declare that there is “no opposition during wartime.” Instead, it must fight with its life to prevent the next war. And if that war comes, the Left must oppose and resist...

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There's nothing anti-Semitic about UNESCO's Hebron vote

Israel’s leaders are essentially trying to convince the world that anyone who recognizes Palestine is anti-Semitic.

UNESCO’s resolution to recognize the Tomb of the Patriarchs/Ibrahimi Tomb and Hebron’s Old City as Palestinian World Heritage Sites brought on, as expected, knee-jerk cries of anti-Semitism by Israeli politicians. And it wasn’t just the right wingers. Even Labor’s Merav Michaeli, known for her dovish views, called the resolution “insane.”

I wonder how many of these politicians bothered reading the resolution before they ran to Twitter to trash it. As opposed to what Israel is attempting to portray, UNESCO does not comment on the religious aspects of heritage sites, or to whom they are or are not considered holy. This is not the Israeli Rabbinate. UNESCO deals with two questions: whether a site is worth being included in the list of World Heritage Site, and which national entity it falls under.

As Yonathan Mizrahi wrote last week, since UNESCO recognized Palestine as a state in 2011, the Palestinians have had the opportunity to submit nominations for World Heritage Sites. The fact that the Tomb of the Patriarchs should be included in that list is undisputed. Even Israel doesn’t dispute that fact.

What UNESCO has established, however, is that the Tomb of the Patriarchs is located in Palestine. That’s it. In no way does the resolution deny the Jewish connection to Hebron or the Tomb of the Patriarchs — on the contrary. In fact, every time a resolution about Hebron comes up, it uses the city’s Hebrew name before its Arabic name (“Al-Khalil”), and recognizes the fact that the city is holy to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. The Palestinian resolution openly states this fact.

One can say that the resolution contradicts Israeli policy, but it is silly to claim it is anti-Jewish. The overlap between the anti-Israeli and anti-Semitic exists only in Israel’s manipulative demagoguery. Esther and Mordechai’s Tomb in Hamadan, Iran is recognized by the Iranian authorities as a Jewish site, yet no on would dream of calling it an Israeli site. Just as the Church of the Multiplication in northern Israel is a Christian site, yet is located in Israel and therefore an Israeli site.

If Netanyahu and Bennett want to claim that anyone who recognizes Palestine is anti-Semitic, that’s another thing entirely.

This post was originally published in Hebrew on Local Call.

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Justice minister's attacks on Breaking the Silence may just backfire

Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked’s latest crusade has led to a Breaking the Silence spokesperson being questioned under caution. But if she’s so concerned about army abuses against Palestinians, why isn’t she ordering an investigation into the string of unlawful killings carried out by soldiers?

In Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked’s latest stunt, Breaking the Silence spokesperson Dean Issacharoff has been questioned under caution after he testified on a group tour that he had assaulted a Palestinian during his army service.

There’s no point trying to spin this: that is what members of Breaking the Silence do. They testify in front of the Israeli public — to the extent they are able in the face of policies to silence them — about the daily reality of occupation, and about what happens when soldiers sent to fulfill ambitions of supremacy meet the Palestinians who must pay the price.

I want to dwell for a moment on the reasoning Shaked used in her appeal to the Attorney General on this matter: “Given the great importance I place on preserving the good name of the State of Israel and IDF soldiers, I thought it fitting to request that you look into this incident. If it transpires that the reports are correct, justice must be done immediately.”

The good name of the State of Israel and the army — that’s what’s worthy of preservation. The lives of the millions of defenseless Palestinians under violent occupation are of no interest to the justice minister, which we’ve known for some time. And it’s also no surprise that the minister who demands instant legal action against a left-wing activist is the same one who sought clemency for Elor Azaria, a soldier who shot and killed someone who was dying on the ground.

But perhaps, Madam Justice Minister, alongside your obsessive hounding of the Left, you might consider applying the same moral standards to the dozens of case files against IDF soldiers and officers, some of them very senior, who were involved in killing unarmed Palestinians. These files have been quietly plastered over and closed, far from the public eye. They too do little for the good name of the country and army.

Perhaps you could, for example, order the reopening of the investigation into the shooting and killing of two siblings, Maram Abu Ismail and Salim Taha, by civilian security contractors at Qalandiya checkpoint last year....

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One of Israel's most painful chapters comes to life in Jerusalem

After 60 years of covering up the disappearance of hundreds of Yemeni babies in the early years of the state, the time has come for justice and accountability.

There were moments during Wednesday night’s rally to commemorate the Yemenite children affair in which I wondered how the tiles beneath us, in Jerusalem’s Mashbir Square, failed to crack under the unbearable weight of pain and grief.

Veteran Jerusalemites will likely remember this plaza as “Talita Komi,” one of the city’s most vibrant areas. On Fridays people would stand here and deliver speeches to passersby, on Saturday evenings it was where young men and women would come to meet each other, long before the age of cellphones. On Wednesday evening, the plaza suddenly reverted back to its golden age.

Over 2,000 men and women, young people with babies in their arms, elderly who used wheelchairs and walkers to get around, parents and children, filled the square to the brim — all of them demanding recognition, justice, and redress for the Yemenite children who were disappeared by the state in Israel’s nascent years. Police didn’t disperse the dozens of demonstrators who blocked King George Street, one of downtown Jerusalem’s main thoroughfares.

On stage, speaker after speaker delivered their testimony about the disappearance of brothers or daughters during the early years of the state, after they arrived in Israel. These were testimonies that had never been delivered before a court. Yet with the trembling power of their words they defiantly turned the square into a courtroom where they could finally tell stories that had been silenced, ridiculed, and denied for so many years. Beyond it all, however, people simply spoke to one another. They held up photos of their disappeared loved ones, they listened, they cried.

Usually we come to protests with a desire to make our voices heard. To call out and scream. On Wednesday that scream was heard in our very presence, and the most active thing we could do was listen to the testimonies. I think that for many of us who protest regularly, it was an incredible lesson in humility. The ability to listen to the stories that our minds refuse to process, detailed in the most beautiful Hebrew I have ever heard at a demonstration. Testimonies that don’t miss a beat, and even after 60 years still feel so alive and heartrending.

There were testimonies of Yemeni women who understood what was happening around them and would hide...

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When it comes to gender terrorism, Israel's brave leaders stay silent

Four women have been murdered since the beginning of the week, but if you look at our leaders’ Facebook pages, you’ll notice they are spending all their time attacking Palestinians and leftists.

Fourteen women have been murdered in Israel since the beginning of 2017, four of them in the past week alone. Had the murderers been Arab and the murdered Jewish, it is likely that we would have already been in a state of emergency. Televised cabinet meetings would deal with the “wave of terror,” special forces would be spread out across the country, and politicians would compete with one another over the most effective means of putting an end to the situation.

As luck should have it, the victims’ only crime was that they were women — so our leaders remain silent. The official Facebook pages of our prime minister, education minister, and public security minister include not a single mention of these crimes. So what are they talking about?

Education Minister Naftali Bennett is busy praising the “wonderful Ayelet Shaked,” the justice minister from his Jewish Home party, who said goodbye to Supreme Court Justice Elyakim Rubinstein, writing about his speech at the Haaretz Conference on Peace, which took place earlier this week, and the need to punish Israeli academics who call for boycotts against Israel. Murderous violence against women? Nothing. As if the education system has nothing to do with this sick reality — one in which women are exposed to countless types of violence against their bodies, their dignity, and their souls.

Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan is busy with his obsession over Israel’s Arab citizens. “Arab Knesset members are trying to sabotage the revolution that I am leading to bring in police presence to the Arab sector in order to strengthen the rule of law. It won’t work! Police services and enforcement will apply in every part of the country!” Every part of the country except all the places in which women are murdered — that is, everywhere. But Erdan doesn’t feel the urge to write about these murders, as if the security of girls, teenagers, and women is not part of his job description. The man who runs to the media a minute after the killing of Yacoub Abu al-Qi’an so that he can call him an ISIS terrorist — and who continues to repeat this claim even after it has been exposed...

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