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Why Jewish Israelis should stand with the head of Israel's Islamic Movement

I’m no supporter of Sheikh Raed Salah, but as Jewish Israelis we have an enormous responsibility to state loudly and clearly that which our privilege still permits us. That means opposing political persecution when we see it.

Two years ago Israel outlawed one of the largest popular associations in the country, the Northern Branch of the Islamic Movement. In the days that followed, authorities quickly moved to shut down dozens of affiliated charitable organizations, women’s organizations, media outlets, and educational and childcare programs. Hardly a word of protest was uttered by the Jewish population in Israel.

Sheikh Raed Salah, the leader of the Islamic Movement, was arrested for the umpteenth time this week. Salah has become a regular target for Israeli authorities over the years, to the point that his frequent arrests aren’t barely newsworthy anymore.

According to media reports about Sheikh Raed Salah’s many previous arrests, he has been investigated for making statements including: “Al-Aqsa is in danger”; “the occupation will disappear”; and for making calls to “free Palestinian prisoners.” There’s not a statement among them that I wouldn’t gladly put my name on myself.

So why does practically nobody among Israel’s Jewish population find problematic the almost routine arrest of one the country’s more influential popular leaders? Because he’s accused of incitement, and that sounds pretty logical to the vast majority of people — by virtue of the fact that he has been arrested so many times on suspicion of incitement. Tautology at its finest.

Israeli authorities count on the public coming to the conclusion that, if Salah has been arrested so many times, surely he is dangerous. The same phenomenon of blind trust and acceptance exists with regards to administrative detention: if administrative detainees have been imprisoned for years, surely they are terrorists. And that’s exactly how most of the Jewish Israeli public thinks of administrative detainees, as terrorists, despite the fact that they have never been convicted, let alone even indicted or given a chance to defend themselves.

It’s a tried and tested system.

The bottom line is that every part of the Arab population in Israel is in the establishment’s cross-hairs. The state is engaged in open warfare against one out of every five of its own citizens. That means that for much of what we, Jews, can say relatively freely (not that there aren’t attempts to change...

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Former attorney general stands with Palestinians facing eviction

Former Attorney General Michael Ben Yair, whose former family home in Jerusalem is now occupied by Palestinians facing eviction, says he will reclaim the property in order to legally hand it over to them.

The feeling of déjà vu that enveloped the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah last Thursday was especially somber. Here we were, once again, standing around on a Friday afternoon, struggling against the eviction and dispossession of Palestinian families. Eight years have passed since the first wave of evictions and the large protests in the neighborhood — eight years in which not a single family has been removed from their home. And now the clouds of dispossession are gathering once again, threatening the home of the Shamanseh family.

Over the past decade Sheikh Jarrah has become one of the focal points of the attempt to Judaize East Jerusalem by messianic right-wing organizations. Doing so isn’t much of a task: in the war against the weakest residents of the city, the state gives its backing to those organizations.

What about the homes in West Jerusalem?

The backstory of the dispossession in Sheikh Jarrah captures the moral injustices that lie at the heart of the Zionist legal system. Until the 1948 war, the land on which some of the families live today belonged to Jews, just as neighborhoods such as Talbiya and Bak’a, which became Jewish neighborhoods after 1948, belonged to Palestinians. After the war, the homes that belonged to Jews were taken over by the Jordanian Custodian of Enemy Property, which rented them out to Palestinians. After Israel’s occupation of East Jerusalem in 1967, the land was transferred back to Jewish hands. This time, the Palestinian families remained in the homes, and began paying rent to the Israeli Custodian of Absentee Property.

But as opposed to the original owners of the upscale “Arab homes” in Talbiya and Bak’a, who lost all legal rights to their property, Israel still allows the Jewish landowners in Sheikh Jarrah to reclaim their property, while evicting the Palestinians who have been living in those homes since the 1950s and 60s. A number of right-wing organizations, founded by right-wing extremist Arieh King, are working tirelessly to find either the original owners or their successors, while providing them with legal assistance to help reclaim the homes. The Israeli Custodian happily goes along with the charade.

Several families have already been evicted from their homes in Sheikh Jarrah in precisely this manner. The Shamanseh...

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Conscientious objector: 'I refuse to be a tool of the gov't'

Hadas Tal is the latest Israeli to publicly refuse to join the Israeli army because of its human rights violations against Palestinians. Before heading to prison, she speaks about her about her family’s reaction, the potential consequences of her decision, and why so many conscientious objectors are women.

Hadas Tal showed up to the Israeli army induction base at Tel Hashomer outside of Tel Aviv Monday morning to declare her refusal to be drafted into the IDF. She will likely be sentenced to prison, where she will join Noa Gur Golan, another draft refuser who was sentenced to 30 days last week — her second stint.

I caught up with Hadas on Sunday as she made her final preparations before near-certain imprisonment the next morning. The humor and calm that she exhibited in our conversation surprised me. She’s going to prison the next day, after all. It’s clear to me that she has prepared herself practically and also mentally, including by speaking with other refusers who have been sent to military prison recently.

“I met with both Tamars (Alon and Ze’evi), Atalya and Tair, and also Noa before she went back to prison. I also went to preparatory meetings put on by the ‘Mesarvot’ network, so I feel ready and like I know what’s going to happen. I got a few good tips from the other refusers — mostly to remember that discipline in prison is a game of sorts and that you need to know how to play it; don’t let it get to you, and remember the reason I am there to begin with. Tamar Alon gave me a few helpful tips about how to pack my bag, for which I’ll thank her — those are things I wouldn’t have thought of,” she adds, chuckling.

Hadas, 18, lives in Kibbutz Yifat in the Jezreel Valley in northern Israel. She has a twin sister who is supposed to finish basic training in the army on Monday — who tried unsuccessfully to get special permission to see Hadas off to prison — and a younger brother who is about to start the 10th grade.

In her refusal statement Hadas wrote:

I assume that the high school you went to has a strong military ethos. How did those around you react to your refusal to be drafted?

It wasn’t a big surprise for my family, we’ve been talking about...

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Is the Left ready for the day after Netanyahu?

The political demise of Benjamin Netanyahu could be a watershed moment in Israeli politics. Does the Left have what it takes to swing the pendulum its way?

If things indeed develop as they seem to be and we are nearing the end of the Netanyahu era, then we are indeed facing a watershed moment in Israeli politics. It appears the prime minister could likely be indicted in a number of corruption scandals now that Ari Harow, his former chief of staff, has agreed to turn state’s witness under a plea bargain and testify against his previous boss. It is both easy and tempting to be cynical about the latest developments — certainly from a non-Zionist point of view, which sees no significant difference between Netanyahu and the alternatives, especially when considering that the replacement we are hoping for is not on the horizon.

It will take a long time, and likely a lot of a bloodletting, until Israel’s Jewish population understands that Zionism is a kind of autoimmune disease that brings about its own demise, and that a different arrangement in the form of a state for all its citizens is not only in the best interest of Palestinian citizens — it is in the interest of Israeli Jews as well. This is the only possibility to maintain the Jewish people’s long-term existence as a national entity in this country.

Stop impersonating the Right

During Israel’s last elections, two and a half years ago, the only thing the left-wing alternative to the prime minister could offer Israelis was that it the slogan “anyone but Netanyahu.” This wasn’t enough then, and it is not enough now. With a lack of a real, coherent alternative, the public will prefer to support the person it knows — even if he is a terrible choice. The Israeli Left cannot make this mistake again. This time, it must refrain from trying to be more patriotic or holy than its friends on the right.

This time, it must not incite against or compete over who will make the Arabs disappear most efficiently. It must not bow at the altar of the army, an institution that corrupts Israeli society from within and has too much power. It must to bring that power back to the public. This time, the Left must not declare that there is “no opposition during wartime.” Instead, it must fight with its life to prevent the next war. And if that war comes, the Left must oppose and resist...

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There's nothing anti-Semitic about UNESCO's Hebron vote

Israel’s leaders are essentially trying to convince the world that anyone who recognizes Palestine is anti-Semitic.

UNESCO’s resolution to recognize the Tomb of the Patriarchs/Ibrahimi Tomb and Hebron’s Old City as Palestinian World Heritage Sites brought on, as expected, knee-jerk cries of anti-Semitism by Israeli politicians. And it wasn’t just the right wingers. Even Labor’s Merav Michaeli, known for her dovish views, called the resolution “insane.”

I wonder how many of these politicians bothered reading the resolution before they ran to Twitter to trash it. As opposed to what Israel is attempting to portray, UNESCO does not comment on the religious aspects of heritage sites, or to whom they are or are not considered holy. This is not the Israeli Rabbinate. UNESCO deals with two questions: whether a site is worth being included in the list of World Heritage Site, and which national entity it falls under.

As Yonathan Mizrahi wrote last week, since UNESCO recognized Palestine as a state in 2011, the Palestinians have had the opportunity to submit nominations for World Heritage Sites. The fact that the Tomb of the Patriarchs should be included in that list is undisputed. Even Israel doesn’t dispute that fact.

What UNESCO has established, however, is that the Tomb of the Patriarchs is located in Palestine. That’s it. In no way does the resolution deny the Jewish connection to Hebron or the Tomb of the Patriarchs — on the contrary. In fact, every time a resolution about Hebron comes up, it uses the city’s Hebrew name before its Arabic name (“Al-Khalil”), and recognizes the fact that the city is holy to Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. The Palestinian resolution openly states this fact.

One can say that the resolution contradicts Israeli policy, but it is silly to claim it is anti-Jewish. The overlap between the anti-Israeli and anti-Semitic exists only in Israel’s manipulative demagoguery. Esther and Mordechai’s Tomb in Hamadan, Iran is recognized by the Iranian authorities as a Jewish site, yet no on would dream of calling it an Israeli site. Just as the Church of the Multiplication in northern Israel is a Christian site, yet is located in Israel and therefore an Israeli site.

If Netanyahu and Bennett want to claim that anyone who recognizes Palestine is anti-Semitic, that’s another thing entirely.

This post was originally published in Hebrew on Local Call.

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Justice minister's attacks on Breaking the Silence may just backfire

Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked’s latest crusade has led to a Breaking the Silence spokesperson being questioned under caution. But if she’s so concerned about army abuses against Palestinians, why isn’t she ordering an investigation into the string of unlawful killings carried out by soldiers?

In Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked’s latest stunt, Breaking the Silence spokesperson Dean Issacharoff has been questioned under caution after he testified on a group tour that he had assaulted a Palestinian during his army service.

There’s no point trying to spin this: that is what members of Breaking the Silence do. They testify in front of the Israeli public — to the extent they are able in the face of policies to silence them — about the daily reality of occupation, and about what happens when soldiers sent to fulfill ambitions of supremacy meet the Palestinians who must pay the price.

I want to dwell for a moment on the reasoning Shaked used in her appeal to the Attorney General on this matter: “Given the great importance I place on preserving the good name of the State of Israel and IDF soldiers, I thought it fitting to request that you look into this incident. If it transpires that the reports are correct, justice must be done immediately.”

The good name of the State of Israel and the army — that’s what’s worthy of preservation. The lives of the millions of defenseless Palestinians under violent occupation are of no interest to the justice minister, which we’ve known for some time. And it’s also no surprise that the minister who demands instant legal action against a left-wing activist is the same one who sought clemency for Elor Azaria, a soldier who shot and killed someone who was dying on the ground.

But perhaps, Madam Justice Minister, alongside your obsessive hounding of the Left, you might consider applying the same moral standards to the dozens of case files against IDF soldiers and officers, some of them very senior, who were involved in killing unarmed Palestinians. These files have been quietly plastered over and closed, far from the public eye. They too do little for the good name of the country and army.

Perhaps you could, for example, order the reopening of the investigation into the shooting and killing of two siblings, Maram Abu Ismail and Salim Taha, by civilian security contractors at Qalandiya checkpoint last year....

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One of Israel's most painful chapters comes to life in Jerusalem

After 60 years of covering up the disappearance of hundreds of Yemeni babies in the early years of the state, the time has come for justice and accountability.

There were moments during Wednesday night’s rally to commemorate the Yemenite children affair in which I wondered how the tiles beneath us, in Jerusalem’s Mashbir Square, failed to crack under the unbearable weight of pain and grief.

Veteran Jerusalemites will likely remember this plaza as “Talita Komi,” one of the city’s most vibrant areas. On Fridays people would stand here and deliver speeches to passersby, on Saturday evenings it was where young men and women would come to meet each other, long before the age of cellphones. On Wednesday evening, the plaza suddenly reverted back to its golden age.

Over 2,000 men and women, young people with babies in their arms, elderly who used wheelchairs and walkers to get around, parents and children, filled the square to the brim — all of them demanding recognition, justice, and redress for the Yemenite children who were disappeared by the state in Israel’s nascent years. Police didn’t disperse the dozens of demonstrators who blocked King George Street, one of downtown Jerusalem’s main thoroughfares.

On stage, speaker after speaker delivered their testimony about the disappearance of brothers or daughters during the early years of the state, after they arrived in Israel. These were testimonies that had never been delivered before a court. Yet with the trembling power of their words they defiantly turned the square into a courtroom where they could finally tell stories that had been silenced, ridiculed, and denied for so many years. Beyond it all, however, people simply spoke to one another. They held up photos of their disappeared loved ones, they listened, they cried.

Usually we come to protests with a desire to make our voices heard. To call out and scream. On Wednesday that scream was heard in our very presence, and the most active thing we could do was listen to the testimonies. I think that for many of us who protest regularly, it was an incredible lesson in humility. The ability to listen to the stories that our minds refuse to process, detailed in the most beautiful Hebrew I have ever heard at a demonstration. Testimonies that don’t miss a beat, and even after 60 years still feel so alive and heartrending.

There were testimonies of Yemeni women who understood what was happening around them and would hide...

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When it comes to gender terrorism, Israel's brave leaders stay silent

Four women have been murdered since the beginning of the week, but if you look at our leaders’ Facebook pages, you’ll notice they are spending all their time attacking Palestinians and leftists.

Fourteen women have been murdered in Israel since the beginning of 2017, four of them in the past week alone. Had the murderers been Arab and the murdered Jewish, it is likely that we would have already been in a state of emergency. Televised cabinet meetings would deal with the “wave of terror,” special forces would be spread out across the country, and politicians would compete with one another over the most effective means of putting an end to the situation.

As luck should have it, the victims’ only crime was that they were women — so our leaders remain silent. The official Facebook pages of our prime minister, education minister, and public security minister include not a single mention of these crimes. So what are they talking about?

Education Minister Naftali Bennett is busy praising the “wonderful Ayelet Shaked,” the justice minister from his Jewish Home party, who said goodbye to Supreme Court Justice Elyakim Rubinstein, writing about his speech at the Haaretz Conference on Peace, which took place earlier this week, and the need to punish Israeli academics who call for boycotts against Israel. Murderous violence against women? Nothing. As if the education system has nothing to do with this sick reality — one in which women are exposed to countless types of violence against their bodies, their dignity, and their souls.

Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan is busy with his obsession over Israel’s Arab citizens. “Arab Knesset members are trying to sabotage the revolution that I am leading to bring in police presence to the Arab sector in order to strengthen the rule of law. It won’t work! Police services and enforcement will apply in every part of the country!” Every part of the country except all the places in which women are murdered — that is, everywhere. But Erdan doesn’t feel the urge to write about these murders, as if the security of girls, teenagers, and women is not part of his job description. The man who runs to the media a minute after the killing of Yacoub Abu al-Qi’an so that he can call him an ISIS terrorist — and who continues to repeat this claim even after it has been exposed...

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Gazans being held hostage by Israeli, PA gamesmanship

The Israeli cabinet decided to accept Mahmoud Abbas’ request that the electricity supply to Gaza be cut. The army has warned against doing so, but it seems that for Israel, Abbas’ interests are more important than people’s lives.

Who says there is no coordination between the Israeli government and the Palestinian Authority? On Sunday evening, Israel gladly accepted Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas request to cut the already-dilapidated electricity supply to Gaza, in order to make life for its residents that much more difficult. Think about the significance of cutting electricity by 40 percent in the middle of a blazing summer. The government and the IDF are both well aware of the current humanitarian crisis in the Strip. They are also well aware of the potential for an escalation should Israel continue to intensify the crisis. But the decision is to accede to Abbas’ request in his war against Hamas — all on the backs of the people who live there. Why? Because it serves Mahmoud Abbas’ political interests.

Palestinians in Gaza are afforded between four and eight hours of electricity on an average day, and this is without even taking into account problems that arise in Gaza’s power plant or in power lines from Egypt or Gaza. Most of the supply comes from Israel, a smaller portion from Egypt, and in the past around 25 percent from the local power plant. Israel supplies 120 megawatts in 10 high voltage lines — an amount that hasn’t changed for the past 10 years, despite the fact that Gaza’s population, and its needs, have grown dramatically in this time. Overall, the electricity that reaches Gaza on a daily basis covers just over half of what is needed. And this is when things are “normal.”

Since mid-April, Gaza’s sole power station has been out of commission, after a deal by Turkey and Qatar to supply the it with fuel came to an end. The situation has created an energy crisis in the Strip — and the consequences are dire. Hospitals, for example, have ceased providing necessary treatments and are relying exclusively on ramshackle generators. This means that water purification systems aren’t functioning, while untreated sewage finds its way to the sea in enormous quantities. Water filters cannot be used, and it is nearly impossible to rely on pumps to clear the sewage from the neighborhoods. All these create real life-threatening situations. The...

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Israel renews admin detention of Palestinian prisoners advocate

Hasan Safadi, who was accused of affiliation with a proscribed organization and visiting an enemy state, will remain imprisoned without charge for another six months.

Israeli military authorities extended the administrative detention of Palestinian prisoners’ rights activist Hasan Safadi on Thursday.

Hasan Safadi, a journalist who works as media coordinator for Addameer, an NGO that supports Palestinian prisoners in both Israeli and Palestinian prisons, was supposed to be released from administrative detention on June 10. The authorities decided his detention would be extended for another six months, until December 8, 2017.

Administrative detention is a procedure that Israel uses to imprison detainees based on secret evidence, without charging them or allowing them to defend themselves at trial. Administrative detention orders may be renewed indefinitely.

Safadi, who lives in Jerusalem’s Beit Hanina neighborhood, was first arrested on May 1, 2016 as he was crossing Allenby Bridge from Jordan into the West Bank on his way home from an Arab Youth Conference in Tunisia. From there he was transferred to the Russian Compound interrogation center in Jerusalem, where he was interrogated for 40 days.

During his trial, the military prosecution allegedly claimed that Safadi was affiliated with an illegal organization and has visited an enemy state (Lebanon) more than once. It further claimed that he has conducted illegal activities without specifying exactly what those activities are, and argued that he is affiliated with other Palestinian detainees without identifying the names of said detainees.

According to Addameer, Safadi was subjected to sleep deprivation, long interrogation sessions, and was put in stress positions with his hands tied throughout the interrogations. He was also denied access to an attorney for 10 days, as well as family visitations.

Safadi was originally supposed to be released from detention on June 10, 2016 by order of Jerusalem’s Magistrate’s Court, after paying NIS 2,500 in bail and obtaining third-party guarantees. Later the same day, however, Israeli Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman signed an administrative detention order against Safadi, effectively overriding the court’s decision.

Safadi is one of hundreds of Palestinian prisoners in administrative detention, some of whom have been imprisoned without the right to a trial for years.

This post was originally published in Hebrew on Local Call. 

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Palestinian activists break Ramadan fast at Hebron checkpoint

The restrictions on movement between different neighborhoods of Hebron meant that a number of Palestinian activists, who were on their way to an iftar meal in Tel Rumeida, were compelled to break their fast sitting on the ground at a checkpoint instead.

Ramadan, the holiest month for Muslims across the world, is a time for family get-togethers, especially around the Iftar meal, which breaks the day-long fast every evening. Extended families gathering for a meal — what could be more trivial than that? Except if it happens in Hebron, where nothing is as trivial as it seems.

Several members of Dismantle the Ghetto, a group that was established February of this year and includes activists from different factions and human rights organizations in Hebron, were invited last Saturday for an Iftar meal at a friend’s home in the neighborhood of Tel Rumeida.

“There was only one problem,” says Badie Dweik, one of the organizers. “We needed to pass a checkpoint through which we weren’t allowed on the way. Israel announced a number measures to ease freedom of movement during Ramadan, including an additional 700 entry permits into Israel for residents of the West Bank, an incredibly low number. But the joke is even sadder when it comes to the residents of Hebron. We don’t even have the most basic right to movement.”

When the activists arrived in Tel Rumeida on the way to the meal, soldiers at the checkpoint began checking their identification cards. Beginning in October 2015, Tel Rumeida was deemed a closed military zone and residents of the neighborhood were forced to register with the military authorities, in order to confirm the fact that they indeed are residents of the neighborhood. Only those registered as residents are allowed entry.

Because a number of Dismantle the Ghetto activists are not residents of Tel Rumeida and cannot enter the neighborhood, they decided to break the fast at the checkpoint itself. “With no other choice, we spread out the blankets on the ground and began serving the traditional maqlouba,” says Dweik. “This is the reality in Hebron. We cannot even break the fast together, if we want to be humans and not numbers.”

This post was originally published in Hebrew on Local Call.

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Israeli army jails conscientious objector for fourth time

Atalya Ben-Abba, 19, has already served 80 days in jail for refusing to enlist in the IDF and participate in the occupation.

Israeli conscientious objector Atalya Ben-Abba, 19, was on Wednesday sentenced to a fourth stint in jail for refusing to enlist in the IDF. She has already spent 80 days in prison.

Ben-Abba, a Jerusalem resident, was jailed after reporting at the military induction center, where she declared her refusal to serve in the army on the grounds that she was not prepared to take part in the occupation and repression of the Palestinian people.

Ben-Abba was sentenced to 30 days’ jail time, after which she is expected to receive a further summons to report for duty, when she will once again refuse to enlist and reiterate that she is seeking to replace her army service with civilian national service.

Last week, on the International Day of Conscientious Objection, Amnesty International Israel published the findings of a survey in which it compared draft refusal in Israel to that in several other countries with conscription. According to the survey, when compared alongside Western democracies, Israel is one of the most serious violators of conscientious objectors’ rights under international law.

Amnesty International Israel recommends that conscientious objectors’ refusal be recognized as stemming from a legitimate conflict between their beliefs — for example, pacifism or religious faith — and military service.

Ben-Abba is being supported by Mesarvot — Refusing to Serve the Occupation, a grassroots network that brings together individuals and groups who refuse to enlist in the IDF in protest at the occupation.

In March, the army recognized refusal to serve in the occupation as conscientious objection for the first time in 13 years, as it decided to release Tamar Ze’evi after she had spent a total of 118 days in prison.

Several other conscientious objectors refused to enlist in the army last year, including Tair Kaminer and Aidan Katri.

This post was originally published in Hebrew on Local Call. 

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'If this hunger strike succeeds, it could mean revolution'

He entered prison for the first time at the age of 10, was one of the founders of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigades, and became one of the representatives of Fatah’s security prisoners in Israeli jails. For the last decade, Ramzi Fayyad, who has been working to promote dialogue between representatives of released prisoners, views the the current hunger strikes as an opportunity. Orly Noy spoke to him about prison conditions, the failure to learn from past mistakes, and why the strike could help Palestinians on a global level.

The hunger strike organized by Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails has been going on for four weeks, and as anticipated, after the initial uproar in the media, has fallen out of the public eye in Israel. This itself is an expression of the occupier’s authoritarian arrogance: the deep indifference to the political and social drama unfolding on the streets of Palestine, which we are only interested in, if at all, when it has to do with “terrorists” who dare to demand satellite channels in their cells.

From the first day, the strike reminded me of one name: Ramzi Fayyad, a former security prisoner who I used to interview 12-13 years ago, on a radio show I hosted at the time. Ramzi would speak to us from time to time from from Ktziot Prison, talking about the conditions of the prisoners, and Palestinian politics more generally. I owe some of my deepest insights to these conversations. Over the years, we developed a real friendship, and through friends from the outside we exchanged photos of family, letters, and children’s gifts. We haven’t spoken for a long time, Ramzi and I. The hunger strike brought me right back to our discussions, and after a short conversation we agree it is time to meet up again after all these years. He cannot enter Israeli territory, so I drove to visit him and his family in Jenin.

Ramzi waits for me at Huwarra. Even though the years in jail have left a clear mark on him, I immediately recognize him from the photographs, and the meeting is incredibly moving. He pulls out a thermos and two glasses out of his car, pouring us coffee, “welcome coffee” and we set off. Ramzi is married and has two sons – Osama, the eldest at 16, who was a baby in the photos Ramzi had once sent, and Alaa, his nine year-old son who was born after...

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