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Israeli police are a danger to Palestinian public safety

A video of an Israeli police officer assaulting a Palestinian man may have gone viral this week, leading senior officials to condemn it. It also served as a reminder that police violence is a part of everyday life for Palestinians in Israel.

The now-infamous video of an Israeli police officer beating a Palestinian man in East Jerusalem, which began circulating on social media on Thursday media, won’t leave me. I am trying to figure out precisely why these images are so disturbing and stomach-churning. After all, anyone who knows even bit about the reality in the eastern part of the city knows there is nothing new here. After all, the police’s violent, frightening presence in Palestinian areas is part of everyday life here.

I know this reality well. I know it from the rows of detained Palestinians who are made to stand against a wall, which I see at least twice a day in this city. I know it from the beatings during protests, from the Border Police jeeps that drive wildly in the Palestinian neighborhoods. Too many times have I almost been run over by one while crossing the street. I am guessing they must have thought I was Palestinian, and no police jeep will slow down to allow a Palestinian the right to cross in these areas.

Perhaps it is the fact that none of the Palestinian men present try to intervene or strike back as they watch the officer’s depraved behavior. They just stand there and take it. But the fact is that the officer could very easily claim that his life was in danger, meaning these men would quickly find themselves in court as the attackers. The statistics show that they are right.

Between 2011-2014, in more than 93 percent of cases in which citizens filed reports against the police, the Police Investigation Unit either refrained from opening an investigation or closed the case without taking action against the offending officers. Among the 11,282 complaints filed between 2011-2013, only 306 cases (2.7 percent) led to criminal trials, while only 374 (3.3 percent) led to disciplinary hearings. In 2014, only 2.5 percent of complaints turned into a trial, while three percent led to a disciplinary hearing. The rest of the cases were either closed due to lack of evidence or public interest — or were never investigated in the first place.

In 2016, 2,945...

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In bid to expel Arab MK, Israel manages to break its own record

MK Basel Ghattas will serve two years for smuggling cellphones to Palestinian security prisoners. That’s a longer sentence than the one handed down to an Elor Azaria, who executed an incapacitated Palestinian. 

Congratulations are in order to the attorney general and the Knesset for the latest Arab they managed be put up on the cross. Palestinian MK Basel Ghattas (Balad), who was accused of smuggling cellphones to Palestinian security prisoners, agreed to sign a plea bargain according to which he will admit to committing an act that could lead either directly or indirectly to acts of terrorism, resign from the Knesset, and serve two years in prison.

This story takes me back to a decade ago, when I hosted a daily radio show on a Palestinian-Israeli radio station. As part of my program, I would often bring on Ramzi, a Palestinian administrative detainee who would speak to us directly from prison. The conversations with him would mostly revolve around the difficult conditions facing Palestinian security prisoners, as well as the abuse they face by prison authorities. Ramzi was released from prison after his administrative detention was extended three times. During the years that we stayed in touch after his release, he was mostly busy rehabilitating his health and family life. He left prison a shadow of his former self, never knowing what he was accused of or why he was arrested.

There are two issues at hand here: first, the inhumane conditions of security prisoners in Israeli prisons, far from the eye of the public’s eye or interest; second, the fact that there is a large number of cellphones circulating in Israel’s “security” prison wings. A human rights activist once told me that at the end of a routine visit to a number of prisons, a top official in the Israel Prison Service (IPS) told him, off the record, that prison officials are not only well aware that security prisoners have cellphones, they believe their presence is a good thing. After all, cellphones function as a pressure valve for prisoners, while providing Israel’s security services with a convenient way of monitoring their connections with the outside world. Anyone who denies the existence of this hush-hush deal is simply lying.

Ghattas never stood a chance

The simple fact is that the Ghattas saga has absolutely nothing to do with state security, but rather with a crusade to delegitimize Balad and paint the party as a security...

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We have a partner for peace, his name is Mahmoud Abbas

Following a meeting with President Mahmoud Abbas in Ramallah, Orly Noy is left with just one question: who is the real partner for peace here? 

I was invited to join a delegation of Palestinian citizens of Israel, most of them residents of Jaffa, to Ramallah on Sunday, in order to meet with the Committee for Interaction with Israeli Society, headed by Muhammad al-Madani.

I had met al-Madani over year ago, just before Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman prevented him from entering Israeli territory, claiming that he was working to “influence Israeli politics.” Yes, he is certainly trying to influence Israeli politics. He still believes, with all his naiveté, that Palestinians can circumvent Israeli politicians and speak directly to the Israeli public in order to try and convince them that they have a partner for peace.

Let’s take a moment to think about this: the Palestinian Authority includes a special committee whose entire job is to make connections and dialogue with the Israeli public. It has met with the Mizrahi public, with Israelis from the former Soviet Union, religious Jews, ultra-Orthodox Jews, and of course Palestinian citizens of Israel. While Israel does everything it can to prevent meetings between Israelis and Palestinians, Palestinians are doing all they can to actually meet us.

As we arrived in Ramallah, we quickly discovered that our meeting with al-Madani and the members of his office was only the beginning. We later found out that we would be touring the new Palestinian city Rawabi, 12 miles from Ramallah, followed by a meeting with President Mahmoud Abbas.

A new city on a hill

The tour to Rawabi was surreal. Our guide was the project’s head of marketing, a young, well-spoken and excitable man whose pride in this ambitious project was hard to miss. There is no doubt that he can envision how the city — which now seems like a ghost town — will look like in just a few years: bustling, prestigious, environmentally friendly, and planned down to the last meter. Every stone that was used to build Rawabi, he told us, was quarried from the mountain on which the city is being built — including all the water infrastructure, the electricity (and like all electricity in the West Bank, it comes from East Jerusalem; according to the Oslo Accords, Palestinians are not allowed to create electricity in the West Bank), gas, and telephone lines will be...

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One state? Two states? Israeli Jews aren't the ones to decide

Trump’s recent remarks may have sparked a debate on the possibility of the one-state solution, but one thing is for sure: Israeli Jews are not in a position to decide the future of the occupied territories. 

The world works in strange ways sometimes. Who would have believed that just by mere words it would be President Donald Trump, of all people, who would grant legitimacy to the one-state solution during his joint press conference with Prime Minister Netanyahu this past week.

More than any other fictional character, Trump reminds me of Chance the gardener, the simple-minded hero of Jerzy Kosiński’s novel, Being There, whose idiotic comments are, somehow, viewed by the people around him as pearls of wisdom. Or as The Daily Show’s Trevor Noah said: “Trump is either a genius, or he’s the biggest idiot the world has ever seen.”

Quiet Palestinians, Israelis are deciding!

Trump’s mention of one state as an alternative to the two-state paradigm is no revelation — the idea has become a dominant one on the margins of the Israeli Left and the Right alike. Both sides see the territory between the river and the sea as a single geographical unit, with the central question in their eyes being the future of the Palestinian residents of the West Bank. One side believes in annexing the occupied territories without annexing the residents themselves, while the other believes that annexation means granting civil rights to all.

On the eve of the Trump-Netanyahu meeting, the latter found a new supporter: Israeli President Reuven Rivlin, who believes that the entire Land of Israel belongs to the Jews, said that “sovereignty over a territory means granting citizenship to all those in that territory. There is no way around it. There is no one deal for Israelis and another deal for non-Israelis.”

Rivlin’s remarks were so touching to Haaretz’s Gideon Levy that the latter crowned the president the “real opposition leader” who has emerged as the “only politician who speaks the truth around here.” What about Joint List Chairman Ayman Odeh? Levy has probably never heard of him. Odeh may be opposition enough to be shot by the police while defending homes from demolition in the Negev, but unfortunately he is simply not Jewish enough to play a role in the inter-Jewish public discussion that demarcates the border between the...

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This isn't Israel's first 'land theft law,' it won't be the last

Israel has a long and rich history of using the law to dispossess Palestinians of their land. Anyone willing to see what’s taken place over the past 70 years shouldn’t feign outrage at the latest ‘land theft law.’

Congrats to the Israeli Knesset for passing the settlement “regulation law” (also known as the “normalization law” and the “formalization law”) earlier this week. The law retroactively legalizes the theft by Israeli settlers of land privately owned by Palestinians, largely land on which those settlements Israel calls “illegal outposts” were constructed — because their existence is illegal even under Israeli law.

To be honest, I don’t really understand the outrage of the “Jewish and democratic” crowd at the legislation and its passage into law. The new law stays true to the long-standing Israeli tradition of “formalizing” or “regulating” the theft of Palestinian property by legal means; it doesn’t introduce any tricks we haven’t seen before.

The tradition began in the State of Israel’s earliest years with the Absentee Property Law of 1950, which “regulated” the expropriation of Palestinian property of any Palestinian who fled or was driven from his or her home during the 1948 war and who ended up in one of the surrounding Arab states “or in any part of Palestine outside the area of Israel” between November 29, 1947 and May 19, 1948.

What the Absentee Property Law did was to declare that as far as property and land was concerned, the books were wiped clean in 1948 — for property owned by Palestinians, that is. Palestinians have no legal avenue for reclaiming property left behind in 1948. Jews, on the other hand, are able regain property they owned prior to 1948, in the East Jerusalem neighborhoods of Shiekh Jarrah for example, and Israeli authorities are more than happy to help them by evicting the current Palestinian residents of those properties.

After 1967 the practice got even more complicated. When Israel annexed East Jerusalem, it also applied its system of laws to the newly occupied neighborhoods and villages, including the Absentee Property Law. That effectively turned all of the property belonging to East Jerusalem residents into absentee property because during the period defined by the law they were residents of an enemy state, Jordan, which controlled East Jerusalem at the time. That legal situation was too absurd even for Israeli authorities, however, and Palestinians living in...

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If Israeli Jews want change, they must refuse to be masters

The fact that the occupier declares his refusal to be ‘the enemy’ of the oppressed is simply not enough. Israelis must go one step further and refuse to lord over Palestinians.

A few hours before Saturday evening’s Arab-Jewish protest in Tel Aviv, the town of Qalansuwa held a conference to mark the international day of solidarity with Palestinians in Israel. Yes, there is such a thing. This is the second year in a row that we mark this day, with events taking place in Gaza, Ramallah, and Beirut.

I had the honor of speaking at the conference on Saturday, and as far as I could tell I was the only Jewish person in the room. The event ended early enough for me to head to the march in Tel Aviv. Yet somehow at the end of the event, the protest seemed less relevant. Qalansuwa is less than an hour from Tel Aviv, yet it exists in what feels like a parallel universe. It seems to me that we needed to invest a bit more energy in learning about this universe before we celebrate on the streets of Tel Aviv.

Don’t get me wrong — these days every act of joint Arab-Jewish resistance is praiseworthy. But one can also wonder how it is that we always play the role of the “host?” Why do these acts of joint protest almost always take place in Tel Aviv, which gets to — once again — show the world how liberal it is, while Palestinians are forced to make yet another pilgrimage to the White City from across the country? One can also wonder about demonstrations where Hebrew is the dominant language, where Jews speak out against racism, home demolitions, police violence. Where they call for equality and refuse to be enemies.

Yet these are the same rallies where Jews refuse to openly say that the reality we see today is the logical conclusion of Zionism itself — not a detour. They cannot say that this is its natural course, and that there is no way to reach “equality” without building an alternative to Zionism. They dare not speak of a state for all its citizens.

A ‘holy symmetry’

I assume that much of this will sound like political purism that subverts honest attempts by well-meaning Jews and Arabs to create spaces for partnership, despite our inciting, dividing leadership, which seeks to set us...

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Amona's evacuation is no victory

After over a decade of legal battles, the state was finally forced to evacuate the illegal West Bank outpost of Amona. But that does not mean we should start celebrating any time soon.

I’ll admit it: I feel a certain sense of satisfaction watching the evacuation of Amona, the illegal West Bank outpost built on what used to be Khalt al-Sultan. The attempt to force ourselves to empathize with the evacuees who lost their homes is both morally delusional and, in a sense, manipulates our collective conscience.

The settlers of Amona did not lose their homes, rather they gave back land that legally belonged to others — the land they stole with the support of the state, which will soon compensate them with land that was stolen elsewhere. And if we do feel sorry to see the children of these families being torn from their homes, we must remember that their parents were the ones who caused the young ones to take their first steps on stolen land, forcibly turning them into accomplices to the crime.

Let us be frank: Palestinians, much like the Israeli Left — especially the radical left — have very few moments of satisfaction in their political lives. I wrote about one of these moments two weeks ago, after the High Court ordered the state to release the body of Yacoub Abu al-Qi’an, who was shot by police during the violent evacuation of Umm el-Hiran, so it could be properly buried. Despite the extremely tense hearing, we breathed a sigh of relief when the court accepted the Abu al-Qi’an family’s petition. The feeling was one of victory.

These small victories are understandable and perhaps even necessary in the long-distance runs of the consistent Israeli Left. Not only because it is always a good thing when justice — even if it is limited, partial, or lacking — is applied, but also because we need them, rationed as they are, to continue. But in order to continue effectively, we must also understand these victories in a wider context. Most of all, we must not allow them to distort our understanding of power relations.

The High Court’s decision, for instance, can be easily understood as a ruling by a neutral body that came to rule in favor of either the police or the family. Just as the photos from Amona’s evacuation could be interpreted as a...

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When the High Court has to intervene so a Palestinian family can mourn

After Israeli police shot and killed Yaqub Musa Abu al-Qi’an before demolishing his home, the state held onto his body for nearly a week. Only an appeal to the High Court allowed his family to bury their loved one.

The only way to describe what took place on Monday in Israel’s High Court, during a hearing on a petition by the Abu al-Qi’an family demanding the police release the body of Yaqub Musa Abu al-Qi’an, is as a nerve-racking drama. For three hours, those present in the courthouse — police officials on one side, and members of the Abu al-Qi’an family and Arab leaders on the other, including half of the Joint List Knesset members — listened to the arguments put forth by both sides and tried to glean which direction the wind was blowing.

Here’s some background before we get to the case: Abu Al-Qi’an was shot and killed by police during home demolitions in the Bedouin village of Umm el-Hiran in the Negev last Wednesday. A close analysis of a video that captured the killing — as well as initial findings from the autopsy that were published by the media — indicate that he lost control of his car after being shot, only then running over and killing a police officer. The autopsy further showed that Abu al-Qi’an bled to death without receiving any medical help, which likely would have saved his life.

Israeli police were quick to disseminate their version of events following his death, according to which Abu al-Qi’an was an ISIS-supporting terrorist who tried to ram his car into security forces (the only evidence of which was that he had several copies of Israeli newspaper Israel Hayom in his home). The large question marks surrounding the incident did not stop Police Commissioner Roni Alsheikh and Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan from continuing to call Abu al-Qi’an a terrorist, all while the Department of Internal Police Investigations is still investigating the incident.

The police refused to release his body after the killing, holding on to it as a bargaining chip ֿto force the family to accept three conditions for the funeral: it would be held in the Bedouin township of Hura, rather than in Umm el-Hiran; the number of participants would be capped at 50 (Arab politicians and public figures would not be allowed); and it would have to...

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When some are more equal than others before the law

The differing approaches to suspected law-breaking by Netanyahu and Palestinian MK Basel Ghattas expose just how selective the rule of law in Israel really is.

Law is a deceptive concept. We like to take pride in being “law-abiding citizens,” and so tend to reject and condemn members of our community who have broken the law. Joint List head Ayman Odeh, for example, was quick to voice his disapproval of the news concerning Basel Ghattas, a Knesset member in his party who is suspected of smuggling cellphones to Palestinian prisoners. Immediately after the reports regarding Ghattas surfaced in December, Odeh emphasized “the importance of respecting the law.”

This instinct is understandable: as citizens, we want to believe that our legal system is one based on fundamental ideas of morality and justice, which aims to order communal life for the benefit of all. This concept is particularly important for minorities, whom the rule of law is supposed to protect from the tyranny of the majority, while safeguarding their rights.

Perhaps this is why we tend to be more shocked when elected officials are caught breaking the law. The idea that someone involved in drafting the rules of the game would exempt themselves from those same laws appalls us, above all when it concerns the prime minister.

But we need to be precise here: the issue is not actually the fact that Netanyahu has, in all likelihood, broken the law. Observing the law is not in of itself a value. We are given to treat it as such because we need in our lives the idea that there is some relation between the law and principles of justice and morality; it helps us put ourselves on the “right side,” or at least helps us distinguish between the “good” and the “bad.” 

Yet this distinction isn’t really connected to the law, and certainly not in a country where the law is used to uphold institutionalized theft, discrimination and exclusion of one group for the enrichment of the other. As Momo in the book “The Life Before Us” puts it: “The law…was made to protect the people with something to protect from other people.”

If the State of Israel enshrines land theft in law and calls it “formalization,” then I have no respect for the “rule of law.” If the state prevents residents...

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Palestinian citizens go on strike to protest home demolitions

Hundreds of Palestinian citizens demonstrate across the country after Israeli authorities demolish 11 homes in the central Arab town of Qalansuwa. 

Photos by Keren Manor / Activestills.org

Palestinian citizens of Israel called a one-day general strike on Wednesday to protest the demolition of 11 homes in the Arab town of Qalansuwa by Israeli authorities the previous day.

Businesses, schools, and local government offices were closed in Arab municipalities across the country Israel, with local activists announcing they would organize a march in the town on Friday against the demolitions.

The owners of the homes said they received notices two days before the demolitions and were not given enough time to respond through legal channels. According to the Finance Ministry, the buildings had been built in an area zoned for agriculture, and thus breached both regional and national master plans. Qalansuwa Mayor Abed al-Bassat Salameh resigned in the wake of the demolitions.

Meanwhile hundreds participated in a giant demonstration at the entrance to Qalansuwa on Wednesday. After meeting with a local action committee, Joint List MK Dov Khenin said “it is painful to see these families whose homes were destroyed. These are houses that were built on private land — neither on land that belongs to anyone else, nor state land. Incitement against minorities is the last refuge of scoundrels. In Netanyahu’s case, it is clear that as investigations over his corruption increase, so do the demolitions against Arab citizens.”

MK Jamal Zahalka, also of the Joint List, called home demolitions a “declaration of war against Arab citizens.” Speaking to the protesters in Qalansuwa, Zahalka accused Netanyahu of “leading a campaign of incitement and destruction against our community, and trying to cover up his corruption under the cloak of over-patriotism. We are not interested in a confrontation, and have suggested dialogue as a solution to the problem. But the government sent bulldozers and left us no choice but to defend our homes with our bodies.”

Demonstrations also took place in Umm al-Fahm, Hebrew University in Jerusalem, and Tel Aviv University.

As Amjad Iraqi previously reported, out of over 40,000 construction tenders for new housing units published by the Israel Land Authority in 2014, only 1,844 units (4.6 percent) were in Palestinian towns. Out of 139 Palestinian localities included in Israel’s new national master plan, only 41 of them (29.4 percent) have been given updated plans. Palestinian couples still find that it can take years to acquire a building permit,...

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There's nothing 'pro-Israel' about the UNSC vote — and that's a good thing

The Israeli Left was quick to praise the UN Security Council’s resolution against the settlements, arguing that it was ‘good for Israel.’ As usual, the Palestinians were left out of the equation.

Ever since the United Nations Security Council passed a resolution condemning Israeli settlements last Friday, the Israeli Left has, for the most part, adopted the position that the resolution is “good for Israel.” Surprisingly this stance was adopted only by the Zionist Left, but even some segments of the radical left.

The logic behind the thinking is clear: the UN has given us another opportunity to distance ourselves from the settlements. If only we would learn how to explain to Israeli Jews just how much they contradict our interests as non-settlers, maybe we will finally be able to convince the public that they’re getting a raw deal.

And while there is something enticing about the optimism of taking such a position, especially in days as hopeless these, doing so reveals two central problems:

Firstly, the fact that this line of thought once again erases Palestinians from the equation, leaving the question of the settlements’ prudence as just another aspect of an endless inner-Jewish conversation (“are settlements good for the Jews? For Israel?”). Sorry to break it to you, but the resolution is not “good for Israel”; rather it is good for the Palestinians’ right to live their lives free of the chains of occupation, which has stolen their land and violently oppressed them for 50 years.

But even this position remains problematic. With all due respect to the Security Council, there is nothing new about this position. The UN and its various institutions have been very clear about their stance vis-a-vis the settlement enterprise for 50 years. I doubt that the resolution caused even a single Israeli to change her or his opinion.

In fact, that very thought betrays a total misunderstanding of the forces that prop up much of the public’s unquestioned support for the Right. In a sense, it is a direct continuation of the old adage “money to the neighborhoods, not to the settlements,” and could be just as ineffective for the same exact reasons: both are blind to the fact that the Israeli reality is based far more on national sentiments than class or ethnic considerations.

Moreover, it ignores the fact that even considering the feasibility of removing settlements will not be enough to convince the public that their existence is too costly....

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Meet the Palestinian man arrested for being sarcastic on Facebook

Anas Abudaabes, arrested for publishing satirical Facebook posts about people celebrating the wildfires in Israel, talks about how Israeli police tried to humiliate him, and explains why he insists on criticizing Arab society in Israel.

Like Ludvik, the protagonist in Milan Kundera’s novel “The Joke,” Anas Abudaabes has discovered firsthand the problems that arise when a regime lacks a sense of humor or irony. Yet Abudaabes, unlike Ludvik, has not lost his own sense of humor, even following his Kafkaesque arrest last week for writing an ironic Facebook post lampooning those who celebrated the fires that were raging across Israel.

When he greets me at the door of his home in Rahat, I tell him that when a prisoner is released, it’s Jewish tradition to say, “Baruh podeh asirim” (Bless the redeemer of prisoners). To my surprise, he shot back the traditional response in Hebrew.

Since his release from jail on Sunday evening, Abudaabes and his wife of three months, Ruqayya Sabah, have primarily dealt with receiving visitors and well-wishers. He is a journalist and social activist, she is a Master’s student researching immunology and cancer at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. “They’ve organized a honeymoon for us,” Ruqayya says.

The couple are clearly exhausted, but they are kind and generous hosts, reconstructing the bizarre chain of events that led to Abudaabes being detained for days after writing a Facebook post that ended with the hashtag “#Satire_not_serious”.

“I wrote the statuses after I’d finished work that day, almost spontaneously. It’s not like I sat and thought about them for an entire day beforehand,” Abudaabes says. “The mockery was supposed to be offensive to those it was aimed at. It’s like how you can’t tell Holocaust jokes in Arabic — the cultural context is not there. It’s the same here: they [Jews — o.n.] read the Arabic but didn’t understand; it’s so far from their narrative that they don’t get it.”

 

‘Drink petrol’

An hour after Anas had written the second post, “the most incriminating of all,” three plainclothes detectives showed up at the Abudaabes’ home, armed with a search warrant. “Fifty-three minutes after,” Ruqayya specifies. “The post had received fewer than 100 ‘likes’ by that point.”

“At first I still thought this was a minor misunderstanding that would be cleared up after I explained it to them,” Abudaabes says. “But when they asked for our computers I realized...

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From Umm el-Hiran, the future of Zionism looks bleak

Israeli authorities delay the demolition of the Bedouin village of Umm el-Hiran. But it’s just a matter of time. A regime that by definition privileges one national group at the expense of another, the indigenous group, has no choice but to destroy Umm el-Hiran for the benefit of the Jews waiting to move in.

Despite the Israel Land Authority’s (ILA) announcement that it would begin demolishing the Bedouin village of Umm el-Hiran Tuesday morning, in order to build a Jewish village in its place, the bulldozers didn’t show up. Instead of standing in front of the bulldozers, dozens of activists were left to watch solemnly as the residents of Umm el-Hiran removed their property from the shacks and trailers and makeshift structures they call home.

The residents of Umm el-Hiran may have been able to breathe a sigh of relief Tuesday morning, but they know the impending eviction and displacement still looms over their heads. A delay is only a delay. Perhaps the Israeli authorities changed their plans due to the large numbers of activists, journalists and politicians who showed up Tuesday. But previous experience tells us that there’s not much hope for optimism: from the moment the state sets its eyes on a piece of land on which Palestinians live — whether it’s in the West Bank or Israel proper — eviction and displacement is only a matter of time.

The magnitude and absurdity of the injustice in Umm el-Hiran’s story is nothing short of astounding. You can read the whole history here in this article by Mya Guarnieri. In short, the community was uprooted from its land in the Israeli state’s early years, moved by state authorities to its current location, and now, the same Israeli authorities are about to uproot them again in order to build a Jewish town on the ruins of their homes. The High Court of Justice rubber-stamped the whole thing. Because it is “state land,” and that state can do whatever it wants with it. Screw the people who live there.

The Jewish public in Israel is used to hearing about about Bedouin citizens of Israel trespassing and building illegally in the Negev, but that is not the case here. Construing the Bedouin as “trespassers” is problematic anyway in as much as it reflects a deep-seated racism, but it is also simply not true in Umm el-Hiran: the residents were moved...

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