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Hundreds demand recognition, reparations for Israel's practice of family separation

Hundreds of protesters chant outside Netanyahu’s residence and block major thoroughfares in Jerusalem demanding recognition, reparations, and accountability for the abduction of Yemenite, Balkan, and Mizrahi children by state authorities between the late 1940s and the 1960s. 

Roughly 200 people demonstrated outside of the Prime Minister’s residence in Jerusalem on Thursday, calling on the government to officially acknowledge the state’s abduction of Yemenite, Mizrahi, and Balkan children between the late 1940s and 1960s. The protesters demanded the government open its records to public scrutiny and recognize the injustice done to the families from whom the children were taken and their communities.

Family members of abducted children read aloud heartbreaking testimonies and protesters shutdown several major thoroughfares in Jerusalem, chanting slogans such as “where are the children, open the files” and denouncing institutions such as the Women’s International Zionist Organization and Hadassah, which operated some of the institutions from which children were taken.

Parents who lost children, brothers who lost sisters, and members of the younger generation recounted similar stories of otherwise healthy children taken at hospitals by medical staff who claimed the children had died — but who refused to provide death certificates or return the children’s bodies for burial.

“They took the boy to the children’s house in Ein Shemer, and my mother would go there to nurse him,” recalled Melli Ya’acov, who said her brother had been abducted. “One day, she went to nurse him, and they told her he died.”

“She said, ‘it can’t be, I saw him, I hugged him, I played with him,” Ya’acov continued. “She was in shock. She and my father asked for the child to bury him, but they said, ‘we’ve already buried him.’ There was nothing, no child, no body. They abducted him, and since then we’ve been looking for him.”

“One day, 18 years later, we received an [army] draft order for a boy — I hadn’t even known,” she concluded. “It is my parents’ will to continue to look for the boy.”

Thursday marked the day of awareness for what is known as the Affair of the Children from Yemen, the Balkans, and the East. This was the second year in a row that family members of abducted children and organizations working on the issue held a protest in Jerusalem. They are demanding official recognition of the injustice and reparations, which will allow the decades-old wound carried by these...

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Why are they storming the fence, and what can we do about it?

End the siege, negotiate with Hamas, tolerate unarmed demonstrations. There are many other ways Israel can deal with the reality in Gaza.

Over the past few days, I have spoken to a number of Israelis on both the right and the left who have some serious, fundamental questions about what is happening in Gaza. This article is meant to try and answer some of those questions.

What do you want us to do?

First of all, end the siege. The protests and killing in Gaza did not start yesterday, and they won’t end tomorrow. People there live in the world’s largest open-air prison, in a territory that the UN has said will soon become uninhabitable. Israel prevents Gazans from exporting goods to Palestinians in the West Bank and to Israel itself, or even to work in Israel — Gaza’s main source of income for decades — when Israel still directly controlled the Strip and prevented its economic development.

Gaza’s residents live with hardly any electricity, with almost no running water, with skyrocketing unemployment rates. Meanwhile, they are unable to reunite with their relatives in the West Bank or travel abroad to study. Israel systematically destroys farmers’ crops near the border (yes, just like the burning kites protesters send over the border, only on a much larger scale), prevents fishermen from traveling out to sea, instead killing them and confiscating their boats.

Israel also severely restricts the possibility of bringing building materials into the Gaza Strip, making it difficult to rehabilitate the Strip following the 2014 war, while preventing residents there from establishing 3G cellular and Internet infrastructure.

Yes, Egypt, the Palestinian Authority, and Hamas also share responsibility for the situation. But Israel effectively controls the region, and it can change the situation dramatically, if only it lifted the siege.

It can be done safely. The defense establishment offers tools to remove the blockade in such a way that will not allow weapons into the Gaza Strip. European countries are willing to invest money to develop a system that checks everything coming out of Gaza, in order to make sure that no explosives are brought into Israel. The crossings are still under Israeli control, with all that entails in terms of security. Giving people the opportunity to work, export goods, and travel abroad will only do good for both the Palestinians and Israel. As long as this...

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What does the IDF have to hide about the Gaza killings?

The Israeli army is claiming that at least 12 of the 60 Palestinians it killed in Gaza on Monday were attacking soldiers when they were shot, but it refuses to answer why it killed the other 48. (Updated below.)

Israeli soldiers killed 60 Palestinian protesters on Monday in Gaza’s bloodiest day since the 2014 war. Over the course of the last month and half, the IDF killed an additional 49 Palestinian protesters in Gaza, and wounded thousands more with live fire.

In late march, just hours after Israeli snipers killed 17 protesters on the first day of the Gaza Return March, the IDF Spokesperson tweeted: “Nothing was carried out uncontrolled; everything was accurate and measured, and we know where every bullet landed.”

The tweet was later deleted, perhaps because of requests form journalists that the army explain specific bullets — for example, the one that struck and killed an unarmed man running away from the border fence, or the killing of journalists Yaser Murtaja and Ahmed Abu Hussein — that the army could not, or would not, explain.

Fast forward to this week. Since the 60 killings on Monday, the army has issued a series of dramatic messages about having stopped “terrorists.”

The army spokesperson claimed on Monday that it had killed 12 people who allegedly fired on Israeli soldiers from Gaza or attempted to plant explosive devices along the border fence — but said nothing about why it killed the 48 other Palestinians and wounded thousands of others.

On Tuesday, the army sent the following message to journalists (my translation):

This message obscures more than it clarifies. It raises two main questions.

First, is the army claiming that those whom it killed posed an immediate threat at the time they were shot, or that they were simply card-carrying members of a terrorist organization, which the IDF could not have known at the time soldiers opened fire, and which alone would not justify killing them?

Second, if the army knows that 25 of the Palestinians it killed were terrorists, what about the other 35 people it killed? How does it justify their deaths?

I sent these two questions to the IDF Spokesperson’s unit. They responded simply that they have no intention of answering these questions. The Seventh Eye, an investigative journalism site, similarly asked the IDF Spokesperson about the killing and wounding of journalists...

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Israel's Eurovision win will bring a showdown with BDS

Netta Barzilai is an incredible talent and deserved to win Europe’s most important song competition. But her victory, even if inadvertently, is a victory for the occupation.

I’m a huge fan of Netta Barzilai. I think she’s a rare musical genius. I was rooting for her as she was competing to represent Israel in this year’s Eurovision Song Contest. Late at night on Saturday, as votes from across Europe were coming in, I was sitting on the edge of my seat, yelling at each country that didn’t vote for her, eventually bursting out in joyous laughter as she won the popular vote and the entire contest.

Politically speaking, however, Barzilai’s win is bad news. Our Eurovision victory proves that the Israeli right is correct. We can bomb Iranians in Syria as much as we want, push for the cancellation of an international nuclear agreement we are not even party to (and that most countries view as essential for world peace), open fire at journalists and nonviolent demonstrators, hold millions of people under a racist military regime for over half a century – and nothing bad will happen.

On the contrary. Embassies are moving to Jerusalem, exports (especially of Israeli weapons) are up, and next year’s Eurovision competition will be held in the unified (read: occupied) Jerusalem. Once in a while we might hear the distant, choking sound of Palestinians, living under the boot of Israeli occupation, but it’s a noise one gets accustomed to.

One can argue, of course, that the massive popular vote for Barzilai throughout Europe was neither a political statement in support of the occupation nor a message regarding the growing popularity of the authoritarian right across the continent. Rather, it was a genuine enthusiasm from her performance – and one that I share. While the Eurovision’s referee votes are highly politicized, ordinary fans of the competition likely voted for someone they recognized as a great singer – someone who sings about woman empowerment, and who pushes a progressive and liberal platform.

But in the real world of politics, intentions are not enough. Israel’s hasbara (state-sponsored propaganda) has made an art of turning liberals into a living proof of our being “the only democracy in the Middle East.” Both the Ministry of Tourism and Ministry of Foreign Affairs regularly boast of Tel Aviv’s progressive politics and its and vibrant nightlife – with a stated goal of re-branding Israel and hiding away Jerusalem, with its...

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Second Palestinian journalist dies of wounds from IDF sniper fire

Ahmed Abu Hussein was shot by Israeli snipers during a protest near the Gaza-Israel border two weeks ago. He was standing at a distance from the fence and was wearing a PRESS jacket.

Ahmed Abu Hussein, a Palestinian journalist based in Gaza who was shot by Israeli soldiers two weeks ago, died of his wounds on Wednesday at Tel Hashomer Hospital in central Israel. Abu Hussein is the second Gazan journalist to be killed by IDF snipers over the past month, and one of 40 Palestinians killed during the Great Return March protests.

On Friday April 13, Abu Hussein, a 24-year-old from Jabaliya refugee camp, went to take photographs of the protest next to the Gaza-Israel border fence. His mother told +972 that he had been working with a small photo agency named Bisan, and according to the Committee to Protect Journalists, Abu Hussein had worked for a radio station linked to the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (it is yet unclear whether he worked for both places at the same or separately).

Abu Hussein was wearing a PRESS jacket — and was standing with a group of photographers near a press tent at the Great Return March encampment — when an Israeli sniper’s bullet pierced his abdomen, disrupting the blood flow to his brain, eventually leading to cerebral palsy. His mother says he was struck by a hollow-point bullet, which expands as it hits its target in order to cause maximum damage. This is the same kind of bullet that has been used against dozens of those who have been killed and maimed during demonstrations in Gaza over the past month.

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It took two days before Israel allowed Abu Hussein to be transferred to a hospital in Ramallah, since the hospitals in the Gaza Strip were unable to help him. After four days in Ramallah, where his condition continued to worsen, he was transferred last Thursday to Tel Hashomer — one of the few wounded Palestinians who was allowed to enter Israel for medical treatment — despite explicit orders from Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman, the IDF Southern Command, and the Coordination of Government Activities in the Territories (COGAT), which forbid allowing in Palestinians wounded by Israeli gunfire during demonstrations. The doctors at Tel Hashomer told Abu Hussein’s mother that he was not expected to survive past the weekend.

It is possible...

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IDF to Palestinian women: Don't go to protests, your place is at home

The same army that boasts of its progressive attitude toward women changes its tone completely when addressing an Arabic-speaking crowd.

“A woman’s femininity lays in her grace, her weapon is her wit. Where are these in the personality of this terrorist?”

The above text was written in Arabic by Maj. Avichay Adraee, the IDF spokesperson for the Arabic media, attached to an image published on Facebook Thursday of a Palestinian woman holding up a slingshot during a demonstration. The post, most likely part of the army’s attempts to limit participation in the mass protests as part of the “Gaza Return March,” continued as follows:

“The good woman is the honorable woman, who takes care of her home and her children, and serves as a good example to them. However, the deprived woman who lacks honor does not take care of these things, acts wildly against her feminine nature, and cares not for how she is seen in society.”

It is astounding that the IDF Spokesperson adopts such conservative attitudes toward women. The same army that boasts of its progressive attitude toward women — and the equality it offers them in combat units — completely changes its tone when addressing an Arabic-speaking crowd. It’s a classic combination of paternalism toward Palestinians, whom Maj. Adraee must think are either primitive or stupid, and male chauvinism that actively tries to oppress women. All in the name of putting down a popular protest movement in the Gaza Strip.

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Deal or no deal, the anti-deportation campaign can claim victory

One day after proudly announcing a UN agreement to resettle 16,000 asylum seekers, Netanyahu cancels the agreement due to criticism from the Right. And yet, the anti-deportation campaign can claim a victory.

Benjamin Netanyahu is in trouble.

With his announcement of the UN agreement regarding the African asylum seekers yesterday, and his announcement several hours later that the agreement had been suspended, Netanyahu made one thing clear: the Left’s anti-deportation campaign had won.

Deporting the asylum seekers to a “third country” in Africa is off the table. The only available option to alleviate the suffering of the asylum seekers and the residents of South Tel Aviv is a humane solution that combines giving asylum seekers formal status in Israel, dispersing the asylum seeker population to cities and towns around the country, resettling them in safe countries in the West, and massive government investment in revitalizing the neighborhoods of south Tel Aviv. This is not exactly what the asylum seekers themselves, human rights groups, and anti-deportation activists demanded — but it is very, very close.

Netanyahu put the kibosh on the mass deportation plan his government initiated last December. Deportation to Rwanda, where almost no asylum seekers deported from Israel received formal status, from where almost all deported asylum seekers (with the exception of less than 10) fled — is no longer on the agenda, perhaps for good. Netanyahu’s cancelation of the agreement with the UN does not change this. The victory celebrations of the asylum seekers, aid groups, and activists yesterday were not premature.

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However, the UN deal, which was without a doubt the best option for both sides in a game that is very much not zero-sum, was too left-wing for Netanyahu’s political base. Within hours of the deal’s announcement, Netanyahu found himself isolated, without support from his coalition partners. He suspended the deal, attempted to deflect the criticism by resorting to the usual slogans against the High Court, the UN and the New Israel Fund. The Right celebrated the deal’s suspension and forced Netanyahu to dig himself deeper into a hole by declaring his opposition to the agreement – which he had already signed, and which, just hours before, he had proudly stated was better than the (non-existent) deal with Rwanda. In the end, Netanyahu caved. By noon on Tuesday, he canceled the agreement all together.

...
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[Video] 'Israeli forces impersonating news crews endangers journalists'

Undercover Israeli troops, reportedly impersonating a news crew, arrest a Palestinian student leader at a major West Bank university. Israeli journalists’ union issues strong condemnation.  [Update appended below]

According to a number of reports in the Israeli and Palestinian media, undercover Israeli security forces impersonated a news crew in order to arrest a student leader at Bir Zeit University in the West Bank on Wednesday.

The Union of Journalists in Israel issued the following in response to the reports (full disclosure, I am a member of the union’s secretariat):

Armed forces and combatants impersonating reporters puts genuine journalists, Israeli and Palestinian alike, in real danger. In a tweet published shortly after the news broke, Palestinian affairs reporter for Israel’s Channel 2 News, Ohad Hemo, noted how such operations can create antagonism and suspicion toward reporters in the field, putting them in real danger. “[I say that] as somebody who has been forced by masked stone throwers to strip in order to prove that I am not an undercover operative!”

Of the Hebrew-language news outlets that had covered the incident at the time of publication, Channel 2 News and Ynet seemed to celebrate the operation instead of condemning impersonation of journalists. “Fauda at Bir Zeit,” screamed one headline, referring to the popular television show about undercover Israeli forces who impersonate Palestinians. Neither outlet saw fit to highlight the danger such operations pose to journalists, including those in their employ.

+972 Magazine sent a series of questions to the spokesperson of the Israeli Border Police, which is responsible for Israel’s undercover units. Their response, if and when it is received, will be published here.

Two-and-a-half years ago, a Palestinian man pretending to be a journalist stabbed Israeli soldiers near the West Bank city of Hebron. The Palestinian journalists’ union put out an immediate and unequivocal condemnation of the man’s actions and his attack (Hebrew).

Update (March 13, 2018):

In the days after the arrest, Bir Zeit University and the Border Police spokesperson denied that the Israeli forces had impersonated journalists, and said that the troops had impersonated students.

This article also appears in Hebrew on Local Call. Read it here.

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The IDF spreads a lie and the Israeli press plays along

Facts show that Mohammed Tamimi was shot in the head by Israeli soldiers. But the facts were not enough for the Israeli army, or the journalists who toe the government line.

Let’s start with the facts. On December 15, 2017, 15-year-old Mohammed Tamimi sustained a severe head wound during a demonstration in the West Bank village of Nabi Saleh.

Like most Fridays in Nabi Saleh, demonstrators headed toward the village’s spring, which Israeli settlers took over a number of years ago. The Israeli soldiers who came to suppress the protest that day did not make do with just protecting the spring or the nearby settlement of Halamish — instead they invaded the village and commandeered a home, from which they opened fire at young demonstrators who threw stones at them.

Mohammed Tamimi was inside his village at the time. An Israeli army rubber-coated metal bullet struck him in his head, and was hospitalized in serious condition. We know this because the hospital produced a detailed report of the medical procedure, a CT scan of his head showing the bullet lodged inside, a photo of the bullet after it was removed in surgery, and the first-hand testimonies of those who witnessed the incident, including Israeli activists Jonathan Pollak and Oded Yediya.

Pollak and Yediya spent the rest of that afternoon making phone calls attempting to secure the transfer of Mohammed, whose life was in danger, to an Israeli hospital. They failed. The surgery took place at a Palestinian hospital in Ramallah finished only at 4:30 a.m. Mohammed required several more rounds of surgery to fix the damage to his skull. Haaretz’s Amira Hass published a detailed report of the incident at the time.

We also know that an hour or so after the shooting, Mohammed’s cousin Ahed tried to expel soldiers from the courtyard of her family home — and the rest is history. We know that just hours after the video of her slapping the soldiers went viral, 17-year-old Ahed was pulled out of her bed and arrested by Israeli soldiers. She is still in prison.

In an overnight raid in Nabi Saleh on Monday Israeli soldiers arrested Mohammed and eight other Palestinian youths. He was interrogated by Israeli police — without a parent or lawyer present — and was released after a few hours.

Those are the facts. Here’s the spin.

According to Maj.-Gen. Yoav “Poli” Mordechai, the...

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A downed F-16 and an Iranian drone: The other side always started it

According to the Israeli narrative, the timeline of violence that resulted in Syria shooting down an Israeli fighter jet began just a few hours earlier. But Israel has been bombing inside Syria for months.

Make no mistake: the dramatic escalation of violence on the Israeli-Syrian border Saturday morning was initiated by Israel, and it is Israel’s responsibility to end it.

If the reports are accurate, and an Iranian drone did enter Israeli airspace Saturday morning, then this is indeed a new development, and a blatant and provocative violation of Israeli sovereignty. However, the escalation has been ongoing for several months and the Iranian drone was not the first shot fired, so to speak. Israel has been violating Lebanese sovereignty with manned and unmanned overflights and other incursions for over a decade now, and as Idan Landau wrote just a few days ago, in recent years began doing the same over Syria, conducting hundreds of airstrikes inside both countries.

In Hebrew, the IDF Spokesperson portrayed the drone intrusion as a “subversive action” against Israel. In English, the army warned that Syria and Iran are “playing with fire.” Military commentators in Israel are already echoing that narrative of escalation, which is not weakened by the fact this was the first time since 1982 that an Israeli fighter jet has been downed by enemy fire. Yet it is only possible to portray an Israeli attack on a neighboring state as a legitimate act of defense, and anti-aircraft fire on attacking warplanes as an act of aggression, by blindly and dangerously narrowing one’s view of reality, putting zero value on any perspective other than one’s own.

Israel has justified its cross-border attacks in recent months as preventing the introduction of new weapons into the hands of Hezbollah, which it claims would “breaking the power balance” in the region. But as Landau wrote, it is not up to Israel to dictate what weapons its enemies may obtain – just as no Israeli would say it is up to Iran, Syria, Lebanon or Hezbollah to determine what arms Israel may develop or buy from its allies.

At the time of writing, it appears that the current exchange of fire is over, but the imminent danger in this volatile situation has not passed. The primary threat is Israel’s policy of allowing itself a free hand to attack its neighbors. More than just calming...

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One state or two states? You're asking the wrong question

What we desperately need now is to go back to the basics and recognize that guaranteeing Palestinians’ rights is the  foundation for any political solution.

A new poll reveals that following Trump’s Jerusalem declaration there has been a drop in support for the two-state solution among both Israeli Jews and Palestinians in the occupied territories – with both communities dipping below the 50 percent level. Only Palestinians with Israeli citizenship who live inside the Green Line show overwhelming support for this solution.

The poll also shows that in tandem with this ongoing downward shift, there is a significant rise in the hostility of each group toward the other, as well as increasing support for armed struggle or a “decisive war” as a solution to the conflict. Conducted by veteran pollsters Dr. Khalil Shikaki and Walid Ladadwa from the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research (PSR), along with Israeli pollster and +972 Magazine writer Dr. Dahlia Scheindlin and the Tami Steinmetz Center for Peace Research (TSC) – this is a poll to be taken seriously. You can read more about the results of the poll here.

These new findings have significant value, as they expose Trump’s devastating impact on the chance to end the occupation in the foreseeable future, while sounding the alarm bells over the hopelessness of both sides, such that violence and bloodshed are actually gaining traction as possible solutions to our troubles.

And yet, we must not view the poll results as a harbinger of “the end of the two-state solution” or “final proof that one state is the only way to go.” One state? Two states? You’re asking the wrong question.

Why? First, because at least on the Israeli side, nobody is asking that question; it’s simply not an issue that concerns most Israelis. Our political leadership across the spectrum, from Labor to the right-wing parties, believes in the idea there is no Palestinian partner for peace, that settlements should not be uprooted, and that Israel must maintain control over Jerusalem and different parts of the West Bank. Only 18 out of 120 members of Knesset are clearly committed to ending occupation; the rest merely argue over the level of violence that should be exercised in order to manage the occupation, the degree of annexation, or how to best maintain the status quo. You cannot seriously debate the future of this land while ignoring the fact that Israelis don’t even show up at...

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Hundreds protest in Nabi Saleh to demand freedom for Tamimi women

Israeli forces try to prevent demonstrators from reaching the village, and fire barrages of tear gas at demonstrators.

Roughly 300 people — Palestinians, Israelis, and internationals — marched in the West Bank village on Nabi Saleh on Saturday to demand that Israel free the Tamimi family women, 16-year-old Ahed and her mother, Nariman, as well as other members of the popular resistance committees who have been arrested over the past several weeks.

In addition to the residents of Nabi Saleh, the demonstrators included Joint List head MK Ayman Odeh; Palestinian Legislative Council member Mustafa Barghouti; Mohammad Barakeh, chairman of the High Follow-Up Committee for Arab Citizens of Israel; and Luisa Morgentini, a former member of the European Parliament. Activists from the popular resistance committees of Al-Masara, Bil’in, Ni’lin, Kadum, Hebron, and other cities and towns across the West Bank also joined the protest, as did members of Anarchists Against the Wall, Combatants for Peace, and Ta’ayush.

Israeli forces blocked the main entrance to village early in the morning, but activists managed to arrive in Nabi Saleh via other routes. The demonstrators gathered in the center of the village and began to march, at first led by a line of women to represent the strong female leadership of the popular struggle in the village.  They were joined by Naila Ayesh, a leader during the First Intifada, whose story is featured in the film “Naila and the Uprising,” recently released by Just Vision (and for which I had the honor of helping do research). Ayesh’s presence linked the previous generation of female Palestinian leadership with the new, young female leadership of the current popular struggle. As the march continued, however, a group of men eventually passed the front line of women—perhaps no less symbolic.

On a hill overlooking the village’s spring, the demonstrators gathered to hear speeches from various prominent figures in attendance. The popular struggle in Nabi Saleh began when settlers from the adjacent settlement of Halamish seized the spring and prevented the village’s residents from reaching it.

As the speeches went on, a number of Palestinian youths engaged in small skirmishes with the soldiers guarding the spring. The soldiers fired tear gas at the youths, and at the rally, which was a considerable distance away. Following the barrage of tear gas, the demonstrators retreated into the village, where they regrouped.

The demonstrators then...

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Hundreds protest in Tel Aviv against the deportation of asylum seekers

The protest is the first of many planned to resist the government’s plan to deport 40,000 asylum seekers currently living in Israel.

More than 200 people gathered at the Abraham Hostel in Tel Aviv on Saturday night for the first of many protests against the planned deportation of asylum seekers. The government recently announced that it intends to present asylum seekers in Israel with a choice: indefinite imprisonment or deportation.

The demonstration featured a human rights fair, including the numerous organizations fighting the deportation plan, a drawing corner for children, a donations stand for asylum seeker families in financial distress, musical performances, and more.

The event centered around several speeches by university students, schoolchildren, activists from asylum seeker community and others – all of whom presented the upcoming steps in the struggle against the deportation plan.

“A refugee does not deport a refugee,” Jonny, an asylum seeker from Eritrea, said at the beginning of his speech. Jonny runs a kindergarten for asylum seekers in South Tel Aviv.

“From here, we are conducting a struggle to bring down the regime in Eritrea. The regime is weakened. It is losing support. More and more people are escaping the country. I hope that one day we will succeed, and I will invite all of you to be our guests,” he continued. “I refuse to be a slave in my homeland. My father is 65 and still forced to serve in the army. I refuse to live like that, to spend my entire life as a slave.”

Inbal Egoz is a resident of the Shapira neighborhood in South Tel Aviv, and an activist in Koach l’Kehila (Power to the Community)—a joint initiative of longtime residents of South Tel Aviv and asylum seekers. “There are many residents of South Tel Aviv who oppose the deportation and want to live together, even though the media doesn’t like to show this because it’s less sexy than residents supporting the deportation,” Egoz said.

She called on the demonstrators to join an event to protest, put up posters, and distribute flyers on Tuesday, initiated by Koach l’Kehila and Achoti, a Mizrahi-feminist organization based in South Tel Aviv’s Neve Sha’anan neighborhood.

Musicians Zeev Tene and Itamar Ziegler also performed at the event. Israelis and asylum seekers joined together for a drum circle. Attendees took pictures with protest signs.

This article was first published in Hebrew at Local Call. Read it here.

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