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The Mizrahi communities destroyed by Israel

Since its founding, Israel has systematically erased hundreds of Palestinian villages from the map. But Palestinians were never the only victims. This is the story of the Mizrahi communities erased before and after Israel’s founding.

By Eitan Bronstein Aparicio

It is well known that since the early days of Zionist immigration to Palestine, the Israeli establishment and its various branches have destroyed hundreds of Palestinian and Syrian villages and towns, which were deemed enemies of the state. The new “Colonial Destruction” map, published by De-Colonizer, an alternative research center on Palestine/Israel, includes the Jewish Mizrahi communities — around half of them Yemenite — which were destroyed by the Zionist authorities before Israel’s founding and by the Israeli state after 1948.

The term “destru(A)ction” refers to communities that were pushed out against their will — often through physical violence, and always with the help of legal and economic violence. Other towns and neighborhoods, such as the Mahlul and Nordia neighborhoods in Tel Aviv, or the Neve Amal ma’abara in Herzliya, were also destroyed, although its residents were eventually offered compensation.

On the other hand, there were Israeli communities that were demolished despite the will of the residents — in the Sinai Peninsula, for instance — though these demolitions went against the grain of Israel’s colonial expansion, as they occurred in the framework of a peace agreement with Egypt, and thus are not included in the map. The destruction of these communities can be viewed as a form of de-colonization.

The destruction of these Jewish communities should not come to us as a surprise, especially when considering the way in which the Zionist establishment has always viewed and treated those from the East, be they Jewish, Muslim, or Christian — all of them Arab.


Remember the names

Since Israel’s founding, there has been a hierarchy of oppression. Palestinians endure the most discrimination, yet Jewish Mizrahim, who enjoy the privileges of being Jewish, are discriminated against by Ashkenazim. In the early days of Zionist immigration to Palestine, the discriminatory attitude by the Ashkenazi elite toward Mizrahim was openly racist — the Zionist establishment was Ashkenazi-European, and worked to protect the interests of the state’s founding fathers. They worked diligently in those years, and after the state’s...

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Punished for stealing apples — not for shooting Palestinians

Israeli society needs to believe in its righteous path to continue sending us to occupy a people in its name. That’s why it will indict a commander who stole a few apples in Hebron, but won’t do the same for a soldier who shoots a 15 year old in the head.

By Avner Gvaryahu

Here is a multiple-choice question that will test your understanding of the reality in Israel. Before you are four recent incidents that took place in the occupied territories. In which of these cases were soldiers put on trial?

A. The arrest of a 16-year-old in Hebron by dozens of Israeli soldiers. He had been throwing stones. The photo of the arrest shows his face is clearly bruised.

B. Soldiers and police officers stand alongside settlers in the Jordan Valley, while forcibly dispersing the Palestinian shepherds’ flocks.

C. A 15-year-old from the village of Nabi Saleh is severely wounded by a rubber bullet to the head.

D. An IDF commander steals a few apples from the market in Hebron.

The first three incidents are routine procedures used by the army in order to control millions of Palestinians: often-violent arrests; looking the other way as settlers, the lords of the land, do as they wish with their subjects as part of their continual takeover of Palestinian land; firing on protesters who demonstrate against military rule, with the goal of maintaining “order” and “quiet.” The routine of occupation is comprised of the daily use of these means for the sake of control, through various forms of violence. In fact, carrying out these tasks is at the core of our military service in the occupied territories. The gears of occupation must continue to grind, thus it is rare that these routine acts of violence lead to an investigation.

The main story remains the occupation

It is enough to recognize that the vast majority of complaints by Palestinians about violence by soldiers or settlers do not end in indictments in order to understand the majority of investigations are not a response to said violence — they are an attempt to whitewash it. When Breaking the Silence Spokesperson Dean Issacharoff openly spoke about using force against a Palestinian who resisted arrest, he was breaking his silence. When he spoke about the the violence used in the interrogation room, he was breaking the whitewashing mechanism. His deeds as a soldier were an integral...

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Israel cannot evade responsibility for the catastrophe in Gaza

A top Israeli news correspondent argues that Israel must form an international coalition to take over Gaza and overthrow Hamas. This concept leaves out decades of Israel’s conduct, which has had very little to do with security and a whole lot to do with punishing Gaza’s residents.

By Amir Rotem

In his recent column in Yedioth Ahronoth, Channel 10’s chief international correspondent Nadav Eyal suggests a solution to the challenge presented by Gaza. He calls for international mobilization to seize control of the Gaza Strip in order to overthrow Hamas (“in one way or another”), all under the laundered definition of a “humanitarian intervention.” By doing so, Eyal reinforces a highly destructive narrative, which is flawed and incomplete at best. The move he proposes not only absolves Israel of any and all responsibility for the situation in the Strip, it rewards Israel with further avowal of its own victimhood — a card to be pulled out at any time.

Under the ominous headline, “Before Gaza turns into Somalia,” the Palestinian enclave is presented, in keeping with the prevalent Israeli narrative, as some sort of untamed growth that sprang up inconveniently; a spontaneous occurrence that took us by surprise and with which we are sadly compelled to contend because no one else can.

But, wait a minute, why us? It would be far more elegant to have an international force put an end to this inconvenience, one which Eyal joins in framing as a purely military issue. This conceptualization of the situation leaves out decades of Israel’s conduct, which has had very little to do with security and a whole lot to do with punishing Gaza’s residents, policing every aspect of their lives, while reducing their needs to “humanitarian” alone.

The text needs to be unpacked. Eyal opens by ostensibly summarizing the current situation: a “drizzle” of projectiles from the Gaza Strip and the ongoing torture of Israel’s southern communities; Palestinian residents of Gaza killed in protests near the fence (a reminder that these events were sparked by Trump’s declaration on Jerusalem); and the ever-present threat of another round of hostilities.


What is missing so far? Everything that led us to where we were before the U.S. president flicked...

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Jerusalem isn't only Jewish, and that's what makes it beautiful

Jerusalem is Jewish and Israeli, but there is an uncomfortable truth Israelis must come to terms with: the city is equally Arab — inherently, inescapably, and wonderfully Arab.

By David Sarna Galdi

President Donald Trump has officially recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel, leaving out mention of Palestinian ties to the place – implying that the city is Jewish and belongs to the Jews. However, Jerusalem has never been exclusively Jewish. In Judaism’s earliest mythological moments, it was Semitic; throughout history, multicultural; and today, its most compelling parts are undeniably Arab.

Scripturally, the Land of Israel is not the native land of the Jews, nor did Jerusalem begin as a center of Jewish life or worship. Abraham, the Biblical patriarch, was a foreigner in the land of the “Kenites, the Kenizzites, the Kadmonites, the Hittites, the Perizzites, the Rephaim, the Amorites, the Canaanites, the Girgashites, and the Jebusites.” When he visited Jerusalem in the biblical account, it was ruled by a king named Melchizedek and known by another name.

In the Bible, the 12 spies sent by Moses to survey the Land of Canaan reported back, “the people who dwell in the land are strong, and the cities are fortified and very large…the Amalekites dwell in the land of the Negev. The Hittites, the Jebusites, and the Amorites dwell in the hill country. And the Canaanites dwell by the sea, and along the Jordan.” King David did not build a royal city from scratch but supposedly conquered a city called Jebus, aptly named for its inhabitants, the Jebusites.

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By the time the first Zionist settlers arrived to Palestine at the end of the 19th century, Jerusalem had been ruled (not in scripture, but in reality) for thousands of years by Crusaders, Arabs, the Ottoman and British Empires, and was home to generations of native people of various religions and ethnicities.

So, for the majority of Jewish history and hagiography, Jerusalem has not been possessed by Jews but the opposite — far away and either not “built,” or yearned for and dreamt about in countless laments and prayers. Jerusalem is not inherently Israelite, Hebrew or Jewish but perpetually multicultural. It’s status as...

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‘We will establish a nuclear-free zone in the Middle East’

The International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons won the Noble Peace Prize this year. Founder of the Israeli Disarmament Movement, one of hundreds of organizations that comprise the campaign, speaks about why nobody in Israel is talking about the prize, and what it will take to achieve disarmament in Israel and beyond.

[Editor’s note: The headline and introductory text of this article have been changed to clarify who won the Nobel Prize this year. See full correction below.]

By Yael Marom

The Israeli media all but ignored the Nobel Peace Prize ceremony that took place in Oslo in early December. The silence may be a result of the fact that the laureate this year is the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), which won the Nobel for its efforts in highlighting the dangers of nuclear weapons and is working on a treaty to ban them.

Sharon Dolev helped establish the Israeli Disarmament Movement, one of hundreds of organizations in 100 countries that comprise ICAN, and happens to be one of the bravest and most determined activists I know. For years she has worked alongside a small group of dedicated activists on one of the issues about which Israel usually prefers to remain silent.

The silence in Israel is even stranger considering the politicians and the media in Israel so-often seek out any Jewish or Israeli connection to Nobel laureates, and celebrate whenever a Jew is recognized by the Nobel committee

Let’s talk about the media blackout. When it was announced that the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons had won the prize, the media did not mention the Israeli Disarmament movement is part of the movement. How is this possible?

“Let’s take a step back to before the announcement. If I were speaking in the United Nations about human rights violations in the occupied territories, I would have been on the front page of the newspapers, and all the ministers would be attacking me. But here I am, speaking to the UN General Assembly about the Israeli nuclear program and the ways to disarm it, and no one is criticizing me — no one is calling me a traitor for daring to speak about the issue. The ambiguousness works in all directions. It has always been about ignoring us.”

Why does this happen?

“Self-censorship. The fear of speaking about something they do not understand. Perhaps some feel that this is one step too far. That...

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Israeli activists stage vigil to release the Tamimi women

16-year-old Ahed, her 20-year-old cousin Nur, and her mother, Nariman, have been in prison for nearly a week. Activists in Tel Aviv say the vigil is meant to remind the Israeli public of the reality of the occupation.

Activists from the Coalition of Women for Peace staged a demonstration in front of the Ministry of Defense on Sunday evening to protest the detention of Ahed, Nariman, and Nur Tamimi, of Nabi Saleh. Some of the demonstrators kneeled, their eyes blindfolded, while others held signs reading, “It’s not the slap, it’s the occupation,” and called for the three Palestinian women to be released from prison. After a few minutes, security guards removed the demonstrators from the area.

Last week, the Ofer Prison military court extended the detentions of the three Tamimi women. Ahed, 16, was arrested during a nighttime raid on the family home after a video surfaced showing her attempting to push Israeli soldiers off of the family’s patio by cursing and hitting them. The video was filmed around an hour after a 15-year-old Tamimi relative was shot in the head with a rubber-coated bullet by a soldier from the same unit. Several hours later, Nariman, Ahed’s mother, who videoed the incident and streamed it on Facebook, was arrested. The next night, Ahed’s cousin Nur, 20, who also appears in the video, was arrested as well. Today, Monday, they will face a hearing regarding the extension of their detention.

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Tanya Rubinstein, co-coordinator for the Coalition of Women for Peace, told Local Call:

This post first appeared in Hebrew on Local Call. Read it here.

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The Israel-U.S.-Saudi alliance will likely end in disaster

By supporting the Saudi kingdom with military aid and intelligence cooperation, while ignoring the regime’s human rights abuses and support for terror organizations, Israel and the U.S. risk repeating the Cold War era’s worst mistakes.

By Eitay Mack (translated by Ofer Neiman and Tal Haran)

Israel and Saudi Arabia have been close partners with the American political and economic elite for several decades. In recent years, their parallel relationships with the U.S. have become a close triangular relationship. Israel and Saudi Arabia promote their mutual interests in the Middle East and, it seems, maintain intelligence ties, the details of which remain secret. Even if Israel is not selling weapons to Saudi Arabia or providing intelligence support, there is no doubt that Israel has given the United States the green light to massively arm the Saudi kingdom.

Dramatic political changes have been reflected in recent reports of ongoing communication between Israel and Saudi Arabia: calls by senior Israeli officials for full normalization of relations between the two counties; repeated statements by Netanyahu that Israel has shared interests with the Gulf States in the fight against Iran and ISIS, especially with Saudi Arabia, which sees Israel as a partner, not an enemy; and an exceptional interview that Commander-in-Chief of the army Gadi Eizenkott gave to a Saudi news site, in which he praised the partnership between Israel and Saudi Arabia, at least in their joint struggle against Iran, and announced that Israel is willing “to share intelligence with the moderate Arab states.”

Israel is looking reap three major benefits from its relationship with Saudi Arabia: the creation of a united, regional front against Iran and its proxies, influence over events in Syria, and reduced support for the Palestinian independence struggle. Israel knows that one of the Palestinians’ last cards is normalization. As in the case of African states—which severed official diplomatic ties with Israel in 1973 but continued to purchase Israeli weapons exports, directly and indirectly—the question of normalization with the Arab nations has increasingly become a symbolic rather than practical question. Today, a good number of Arab countries maintain commercial, diplomatic, and even security-oriented ties with Israel behind the scenes.

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Seeing the forest of occupation through the trees of Nabi Saleh

A recent episode of Israel’s premier political talk show illustrates how so many Israelis are unable — or unwilling — to see the structural nature of the injustices borne of occupation.

By Libby Lenkinski

My husband is a psychotherapist – he spends his life thinking about people’s individual psyche and inner worlds. I am a social activist trained to analyze structures that empower or oppress. Many of our conversations involve searching to understand which force is behind people’s behavior in any given situation – the individual or the structural.

Watching last week’s segment of liberal Israeli talk show “London et Kirschenbaum,” as panelists attempted to have a conversation about an incident in the West Bank village of Nabi Saleh, I was struck by their desire to individualize and personalize a situation that I believe to be fundamentally structural.

In the opening sequence, the host, Yaron London, shows video from this past week: a teenage girl in Nabi Saleh named Ahed Tamimi smacks an IDF soldier after he entered her home in the village. The panelists begin their discussion.

Or Heller, a military correspondent for Channel 10, makes a point to start the conversation by declaring that he was “overwhelmed with pride” watching the clip of the soldiers, who he says reacted with restraint. Yaron London, the left-leaning host of the show, explains that he has a grandson serving in a similar unit in the same area and that he thinks every day about how his grandson would behave in the same situation. Throughout the segment, the men focus their analysis on the motivation for and meaning of the soldiers’ individual actions.

Though this whole story is just a small scene, a day in the life of a dynamic that’s gone on more than 50 years now, both men completely avoid mentioning the structures and systems that led to this incident. Their underlying assumption is that the individual soldier’s behavior is what matters here, and represents the most important reflection of Israeli society: if he behaves well, we’re ok; and if he behaves badly, then we are not.

It is only when Jonathan Pollak, an Israeli activist with close ties to the village of Nabi Saleh, explains that there is a larger context that the conversation broadens. London questions Pollak repeatedly about the character of Nabi...

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Ahed Tamimi flips Zionist mythology on its head

The story of David and Goliath is a central Zionist myth. The case of Ahed Tamimi shows that while Israel still thinks it’s David, in reality, it’s Goliath.

By Gil Gertel

After the images from Nabi Saleh surfaced earlier this week, Minister of Education Naftali quickly made himself judge, jury, and executioner, declaring that the two Palestinian girls “should spend their lives in prison.” But why? Young Israeli settlers routinely disrespect soldiers and flout the rule of law. And that’s exactly the point: Ahed Tamimi did what’s reserved for Israeli settlers alone.

What, for Israelis, was most embarrassing about the pictures of Ahed Tamimi slapping an Israeli soldier? A woman hitting a man? A Muslim hitting a Jew? A civilian hitting a representative of law and order? A student hitting a trained fighter? That with her bare hands she hit someone fully armed and armored? That she hit the force that denies her rights? From the responses on social media, it seems all of the above. Ahed Tamimi flipped the traditional roles in the myth of David and Goliath, which was and remains a foundational myth of Zionist education.

The “new Jew” according to the story of David and Goliath appears in Theodore Herzl’s 1902 utopian novel Altneuland. At the beginning of the story we meet David, “a poor boy, freezing in the cold with tattered shoes,” a beggar in the alleyways of Vienna. After 20 years, we meet David again, this time in Haifa: “a free man, healthy, educated, serious-minded,” respectable and respected by mankind. How did this switch happen?

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In his 1903 essay, “Hebrew Education,” Ze’ev Jabotinsky writes, “there was an instance in Odessa when we prepared for a pogrom. I was one of the scouts, and with a group of two other friends I wandered through the markets for signs that something had gone wrong.” During these outings, when passing through the masses of local people, “we would try to put on our best Russian expressions, and speak with a Muscovite accent.” Not out of fear, Jabotinsky recalls, but out of habit of hiding their Jewishness. At the end of the street he encountered an old Jewish peddler, with a beard and...

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At 16, Israel promised me freedom. Why does it deny it to Ahed Tamimi?

Looking at the images of Ahed in court, I know we can never truly be free as long as we deny another people their freedom. And I wonder what freedom actually means if it takes locking up people like Ahed to secure it.

By Simone Zimmerman

When I was 16, I joined Facebook. I spent a lot of time taking cute photos with my friends, and learned how to do neat things with my digital camera. I got in quite a good bit of trouble for making out with cute boys at my Jewish youth group and summer camp. One of the worst things that happened was that the process of getting my drivers permit was delayed for a year.

But the best thing that happened that year was spending almost five months in Israel, first on a high school exchange program in Tel Aviv, and then on a six-week teen trip with Camp Ramah across the country after a week of visiting Holocaust sites in Poland.

My semester in Israel was the most free I had ever felt in my young life. I rode buses, took taxis, walked — things I never did growing up in Los Angeles. I went to the beach and the mall, ate lots of delicious food, visited tourist sites, and got drunk for my first time on one shot of cheap vodka. I had been learning about this place my entire life — I had come before on two short family visits, but this was my first time feeling  this place was a part of me, and something I was a part of.

I returned to Israel after a visit to Poland, and my visceral connection, love, familiarity, and commitment, was joined by a fierce sense of tribal pride and obligation. Standing in the barracks and on the train tracks of Auschwitz-Birkenau, walking through the graveyard of Treblinka, staring at the mountains of human ashes and rooms full of shoes in Majdanik, I felt so full of horror and grief at the calamity that had befallen my people, and so clear about my commitment to Jewish liberation and Jewish resilience.

At every site we visited, we said the Mourner’s Kaddish before singing Israel’s national anthem, Hatikva. It was clear where the next stop of this journey had to be: “Never again” meant we would be strong and free in Israel. That summer I sang and...

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Will Israel investigate the beatings of Palestinian detainees?

A new video in which soldiers beat a handcuffed Palestinian detainee poses a challenge to Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked: will she call to investigate this incident, or are investigations reserved solely for persecuting political rivals?

By Yariv Mohar

A video of IDF soldiers beating a young Palestinian man in handcuffs, filmed earlier this week, puts Minister of Justice Ayelet Shaked’s moral commitments to the test. Not long ago, Shaked publicly called for an investigation into an incident involving Breaking the Silence spokesman Dean Issacharoff, who claimed to have beaten a Palestinian as a solider in Hebron. “The IDF is the most moral army in the world; violent incidents must be investigated and dealt with,” Shaked declared, calling on the state attorney to investigate Issacharoff’s claims.

Recall that Isacharoff had testified that he “kneed in the face” a Palestinian in order to handcuff him.

In a video filmed last Thursday by the International Solidarity Organization and published by blogger John Brown, soldiers are seen beating, kicking, and knee in the face a Palestinian who is already handcuffed — a more severe incident of misconduct and a challenge to Shaked, who called for an investigation in the similar case of Issacharoff.

On Tuesday, December 19, 2017, Rabbis for Human Rights sent Minister of Justice Shaked a letter, calling on her to denounce this violent incident as well, which also took place in Hebron, and involved soldiers kneeing in the face Palestinian who was already handcuffed while being beaten.

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Rabbis for Human Rights’ appeal to Shaked is important on two levels: to send a principled, moral message — beyond any issue of politics — that beating a handcuffed detainee who presents no immediate danger is a fundamental ethical violation; and to prevent the growing impression that the justice minister is acting in manner reminiscent of history’s darkest regimes. In other words, that Shaked has allowed the legal system to be used to repress political activists. The erosion of both ethical norms in the occupied territories and democratic norms in dealing with ideological rivals has the potential to greatly damage the country.

Rabbis for Human Rights...

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Army arrests Palestinian teen for hurting soldiers' masculinity

How one IDF raid turned a Palestinian teenager into a heroine overnight. 

By Yael Marom

The IDF Spokesperson was clearly excited to publish the details of a complicated military operation that took place Tuesday morning: under the cover of darkness, Israeli Border Police broke into the Tamimi family’s home and arrested 17-year-old Ahed, taking her in for interrogation. The Israeli forces arrived at the family’s home fully armed; however, their most important weapon was their camera. The goal: to win back some of the army’s masculinity, wounded a few days after a video surfaced of the rebellious girl attempting push soldiers out of her house — cursing and shoving them, even kicking and slapping.

The Israeli public is accustomed to submissive Palestinians — and if not, it is accustomed to seeing them beaten and arrested, regardless of whether they present an actual danger or are engaged in an act of protest. That is precisely what didn’t happen this week, and it is what disrupted all of the rules of the game, so much so that Channel 2 commentator Roni Daniel said Monday that he is unperturbed by the possibility that soldiers might be caught on camera beating the girls who disrespected them. We are used to criticism from the international community about the violence of the occupation, but we are not so accustomed to criticism over two soldiers who thought before raising their hands to strike.

Here’s the story: a young woman was arrested in the middle in the night, on camera, because Israeli soldiers did not appear manly enough. To carry out the arrest, they sent a female Border Police officer. So this is what equality looks like.

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Minister of Education Naftali Bennett has already determined Ahed’s sentence: “She should spend her life in prison.” Yinon Magal, a former Knesset member, expressed his longing for Elor Azaria — the Israeli soldier convicted of manslaughter for shooting a wounded Palestinian assailant in the head and killing him. Magal made clear the moral bar according to which future incidents will be judged. Every soldier knows exactly what is expected of him. And besides, even without Magal’s tweet, the commanding ethos is clear as day. Meanwhile, Netanyahu and Liberman are already...

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Israeli official threatens German activists: 'We know who you are'

After an Israeli flag was burned at a Berlin protest, the head of international relations for Israel’s Ministry of Intelligence Services says Germany’s pro-Palestine activists must ‘live in fear.’

By Inna Michaeli

In the Ministry of Intelligence Services there is one person responsible for international relations. That same person is also currently threatening the citizens of Germany.

On December 15, Arye Sharuz Shalicar published a status on his personal Facebook page, in which he shared a report from the German newspaper Welt on Israeli security forces using live fire to disperse a protest on the outskirts of Ramallah.

The protests in Palestine, against Trump’s declaration to move the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem, were accompanied by demonstrations across the world, including in Germany.

Sharuz Shalicar’s status included a message for the protesters:

“PLEASE SHARE! The message of this article goes out to all those in Germany, who think they can burn a Star of David in public without punishment. WE know WHO you are, WHERE you are, and HOW to bring YOU to justice. Live in fear!”



In the eyes of the Ministry of Intelligence Services, it isn’t enough that Israeli citizens live in fear — now it wants to rain terror on citizens of the entire world. Thus, it seems we have reached a point in which the representative of a government ministry is threatening the residents of a foreign country — who are exercising their democratic right to protest — while linking to an article on the Israeli army’s use of live fire against an occupied people.

In the past few days, German media outlets have been flooded with reports and analyses on the burning of an Israeli flag during a demonstration in Berlin. In response, politicians from centrist parties, as well as the Central Council of Jews in Germany, have called to outlaw flag burning.

Not only a Jewish symbol

The reports are full of distortions, which present the demonstrations against the Israeli occupation — and in this case against Trump’s provocations in Jerusalem — as anti-Semitism. This creates a closed circle: appropriating the Jewish community and its symbols in the service of the occupation helps paint Palestinian protest as anti-Semitic.

This has come up, for example, in the rhetoric surrounding the...

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