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Run out of town for teaching farm workers their rights

Labor advocates set out to explain to Thai agricultural workers what rights they have in Israel. Instead, they are intimidated and chased away by the workers’ employers.

By Angie Hsu

In the rush before leaving Tel Aviv for the Arava Desert Friday morning, I ran into the bathroom and grabbed two bottles of sunscreen. It was the last item on my checklist, for myself, two co-workers and one volunteer from Kav LaOved – Worker’s Hotline. We were going to spend two days visiting Thai migrant agricultural workers in various moshavim in the Arava; I was told the weekend in the South was going to “feel like summer.” Relieved that I had remembered the sunscreen, I felt ready to go: we had flyers about labor rights in Thai to give to the workers and forms if they wanted to file complaints; we had rented a car and I had booked a place to stay for the night. In retrospect, it’s comical how much I had prepared for sun exposure, and how little for the hostility we would face.

Kav LaOved visits Thai agricultural workers around the country who live and work in various Israeli kibbutzim and moshavim about once a month. We bring informational material, answer questions, take photographs of their living and working conditions, and write down complaints workers want to file to various governmental bodies. Most of what we see and hear from the Thai workers is routine: salaries far under the minimum wage and almost total lack of social rights, harsh and often inhumane living conditions, and the persistent enthusiasm with which workers receive us. Rarely have employers intervened during these visits. In some cases, they have even understood and accepted our role as a labor rights organization. In others, they have asked us to leave. But in general, these Saturday visits go by without too many surprises.

On our way to the first stop of the day, Moshav Tzofar, we didn’t expect anything different. As we drove to the meeting spot the workers designated, however, we noticed there were no workers there, and instead we saw around five men sitting together in a tight circle. Our first instinct was correct — they were employers. We kept driving to an open park area, where we saw workers starting to gather. As we got out of the car, a man told us we had to leave, that parking wasn’t...

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There are no safe spaces for Palestinians in Israel

What should have been a regular day at Tel Aviv University turned into a depressing reminder that when you’re Palestinian, you are automatically suspect in the eyes of the authorities.

By Yaser Abu Areesha

I never thought I’d find myself, one sunny afternoon, pressed against a police car on the grounds of Tel Aviv University, where I study and work, with a police officer clutching my hands tightly behind my back. I wasn’t in that situation because I’d taken part in a demonstration, but because I’d refused a demand from the university’s security staff to produce my ID while on campus.

On Tuesday, a few minutes before starting work at the university, I noticed a police car parked on the school grounds. An officer got out, accompanied by four university security staff, approached a man sitting on a bench nearby, and tried to arrest him. This is a rare, almost surreal sight at the university, given that it is supposed to have a level of autonomy that keeps the campus free of police involvement. As such, when I saw the police, I instinctively started filming them on my phone.

Almost immediately, a university security guard came and asked me why I was filming. I replied that it was my right to do so. Presumably feeling that his ego had been hurt, he asked me to identify myself. I refused. I also refused to identify myself to his supervisor and to the police officer, both of whom he’d brought over. (The university’s official guidelines, by the way, only require people to produce ID on entering the campus.)

I explained that I am an employee and a student at the university, and that they cannot treat me like this when I’ve done nothing wrong. The police officer claimed in response that I have to accede to his request, simply because he made it, and added that if I continued to refuse, I would be detained. I still didn’t identify myself, and was violently dragged over to the police car.

After that things developed quickly: students and staff arrived, one of the deans got involved, and I mentally prepared myself to get arrested for the first time in my life. A smart man once told me that if you haven’t experienced a false arrest, you can’t know what freedom is.

The police officer, who was waiting for backup, announced over his radio that...

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Israel and Hamas need each other — now more than ever

The fact that Israel has no desire to destroy Hamas and re-occupy Gaza means the next round of fighting will end much like the previous ones: a ‘strategic tie’ with enormous human suffering in both Israel and the Strip.

By Doron Matza

It is impossible to understand what is happening in the Gaza Strip without understanding the following paradox: the relationship between Israel and Hamas appears as a “zero-sum game,” yet both sides cooperate with one another.

For over a decade, Israel and Hamas have maintained a relationship of both confrontation and reconciliation. From the Israeli point of view, Hamas’ presence in Gaza is not merely a constraint, it is also a significant strategic advantage. This is because the more than two million people in Gaza live under an organized regime that frees up Israel from maintaining a constant presence in the Strip and worrying about the civilian population there. And all this without totally forgoing control over Gaza’s security, economy, and borders.

Meanwhile, Hamas’ regime in Gaza, which split Palestinian rule into two separate geopolitical entities between the West Bank and Gaza, allows Israel to fend off pressure to sign a final-status deal, by claiming that that very split prevents it from reaching an arrangement when a central player on the opposing side does not accept the rules of the game, rejecting Israel’s very right to exist.

From Hamas’ point of view, Israel’s presence allows it to maintain its principal identity as the exclusive resistance movement in the entire Palestinian political system. Doing so positions Hamas as an alternative to Fatah, which, among other things, turned into a corrupt and hated movement — a process that eventually lead to its expulsion from the Strip. Furthermore, over the past few years Fatah has been maintaining tight-knit security coordination with Israel in the West Bank, effectively perpetuating the occupation.

This past decade has shaped the complex relations between Hamas and Israel. On the one hand, there is an element of mutual reconciliation and a deep recognition of the advantages that both sides provide the other, in order for both to promote their strategic goals. On the other hand, there is a mutual understanding that the main condition for ensuring that these goals are met is tied directly to maintaining the conflict between the two sides. Even more importantly, both sides manage the conflict so as not to create new conditions that will significantly alter the present reality. In other words, so...

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Coming to terms with the death of a former partner in struggle

Before he was killed in a gunfight with Israeli forces, Basel al-Araj was a nonviolent activist who fought for his village. His transition from nonviolence to armed struggle feels like a personal defeat for me.

By Aviv Tatarsky

Earlier this week, as I sat in my car in the morning, I overheard on the radio that soldiers had killed a Palestinian after coming to arrest him in the city of Al-Bireh, next to Ramallah. An hour later I see that Issa had uploaded a photo of Basel al-Araj. to his Facebook page. “Strange,” I thought to myself, “I had no idea Issa and Basel knew each other.” Then I read the caption, which announced that Basel had been killed by the army.

I knew Basel from my frequent visits to Walaja, his home village, but we never became friends. I don’t believe we ever spoke, whether face to face or in a larger forum. At most, it was always “salaam aleikum” when our paths happened to cross in the village. Perhaps — and maybe I am just imagining — we spent a few hours in detention together after a demonstration against the separation wall in the village.

If only the struggle took off

According to the report on the radio, Basel was the head of a small, armed group that planned to attack Israelis. When the soldiers arrived at his hiding place to arrest him, the two sides exchanged gunfire. End of story. This, according to the Israeli report. The Palestinians reported that Basel had been executed. The Israeli version of the story could very well be the truth.

And yet, I cannot shake Basel’s death. It is clear that this is yet another reminder of the enormous gulf between myself and most Israelis. That I will not be able to explain to them how it is possible that basic national identity is totally unable to blur and erase personal acquaintance — even one based on the solidarity of a joint struggle.

Basel was killed at age 31. He was 24 when we were together in the protests against the village. A young man whose smile and body language always gave me the impression that he was gentle, yet confused.

The struggle against the wall in Walaja should have been one of the greatest popular, nonviolent struggles against the occupation. Five minutes from Bethlehem and 10 from Jerusalem. The demonstrations, which began...

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Top Israeli university marketing country's arms industry to the world

A new university course at Israel’s Technion Institute of Technology teaches students how to brand and market Israel’s defense industry to global audiences.

By Shimrit Lee

Contrary to popular belief, Israel’s military-industrial complex doesn’t run on government and arms manufacturers alone. Academia, a sphere often imagined as a bastion of free speech, independent from corporate interests, plays a crucial, though less visible, role in the establishment. Its complicity in violence shouldn’t be ignored.

That’s why last Thursday evening, I joined a small group of activists from Coalition of Women for Peace in central Tel Aviv to protest a new program, put on by Haifa-based Technion—Israel Institute of Technology, Israel’s foremost research university, outside its Tel Aviv campus in the city’s Sarona neighborhood.

The three-month program, titled “Defense Strategy for International Markets,” focuses on how to brand and market Israel’s defense industry to global audiences. This is the second time the course, which was designed for executives, lawyers, consultants, and researchers in the field of defense exports, is being offered by the Technion. Workshops focused on export regulations, cyber warfare, homeland security, marketing communication strategies, and case studies from South Africa and India.

As shoppers walked past the modest demonstration, some stopped with curiosity to read our signs and ask why we were there. Others were more defensive. One man even threatened us with a gun tucked into his pants, while menacingly waving a laser pointer in our faces and muttering that he would “erase” us.

I couldn’t help but note the irony of his word choice, since erasure — of lives, rights, and history — was exactly what we were there to protest. The defense industry is the largest employer in Israel, which means it has largely been immune to criticism. But it has recently come under increased scrutiny for its role in exporting arms to repressive regimes.

In January, a group of Israeli human rights lawyers submitted an urgent petition to the Israeli Supreme Court calling for an end to Israeli military exports to Burma, highlighting the country’s systematic persecution of its 1.2 million ethnic Rohingya Muslim minority. Eitay Mack, a Jerusalem-based human rights attorney involved with the petition has filed a suit to open criminal investigations into Israeli officials who participated in arms deals with the brutal dictatorial regime of Augosto Pinochet, responsible for murdering, disappearing and torturing tens of thousands of Chilean citizens from 1973 to 1990.

Israel has also been...

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Trump is pushing American Jews away from Israel — and that's a good thing

Now that the U.S. is being faced with a racist Trump regime, American Jews are being reminded of their own history of oppression, forcing them to make a choice: which side are we on when it comes to Israel?

By Michael Sidman

Blind support for Israel has kept American Jews from supporting Palestinian liberation for too long – but the Trump administration, in one of its accidental silver linings, has finally created the perfect incubator to bring American Jews and Palestinians together. For decades American Jews, guided in no small part by mainstream Jewish organizations, have actively and vocally lent their support to far-right extremist politicians and policies in Israel.

Our otherwise liberal community, which has historically stood staunchly with the American progressive left, was swayed for decades by the tactics of Israeli Jewish supremacists, racists, and xenophobes in Israeli government and society. Many have chalked it up to the phrase I’ve heard far too often: “progressive except for Israel.” We are now coming to understand that this hypocrisy has expired.

The Israeli government has for too long falsely packaged its extremist agenda as liberal. It has portrayed its raison d’être protecting a liberal minority against perceived enemies (Palestinians and their supporters) – and we ate it up. It was our unwavering support that lent the Israeli government the appearance of moral legitimacy for decades. It was our support that allowed Israel to erode its own democracy. And it was our support that led Israel to the brink, where it has left itself with only two choices: be an apartheid state or a fully democratic state with true equal rights for all of its citizens.

Mainstream American Jewish organizations and a surprising number of pulpit rabbis have helped guide the American Jewish community in its unquestioning support for Israel. They exploited anti-Semitism and the real trauma of the Holocaust to try to make the case that Israel was somehow unique in the world — that the laws of morality need not apply to it. American Jews were fed a contradictory mythology, that Israelis were both masters of their domain and yet somehow a persecuted minority on the brink of destruction.

It is similar to the trend we see now among white conservatives who somehow feel as if civil rights for all have somehow eroded their own. The New York Times reported that white men in America believe...

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The fight for justice begins at home

Rather than focusing exclusively on Israel-Palestine, Western leftists should use the occupation as a starting point to examine their own role in oppression at home.

By Jakub Zahora

In early October last year, dozens of activists staged a “Global Sukkot against Demolitions” demonstration in front of the Jewish National Fund (JNF) building in Jerusalem. I participated in the event, which involved a coalition of anti-occupation groups and Bedouin citizens of Israel protesting against JNF-led plans to demolish four Palestinian and Bedouin villages in the Negev and the West Bank.

The protest was purposefully organized during Sukkot in order to appeal to the Jewish values and historical experiences underpinning this holiday, which in addition to its agricultural elements, also commemorates Jewish wandering and plight after the Exodus. Indeed, Jewish and Palestinian activists explicitly evoked themes of homelessness and dispossession during the protest in order to show the parallels between historical Jewish experiences and the current treatment of non-Jews by the Israeli state. The demonstration ended with activists declaring, “Not in my name.”

To my surprise, the slogan left me somewhat uneasy. Indeed, the discriminatory policies we were protesting had never been conducted in my name: I am not Jewish. Thus, this occasion made a question that had been haunting me for a while even more pressing: what is my position and that of other non-Jewish researchers and activists in Israel and Palestine, and what can we contribute?

I came to the region in fall 2015 to conduct my doctoral research on so-called “quality of life” settlements. Over the course of the year I spent in Israel/Palestine doing interviews, making observations and analyzing documents, I became deeply conscious of my own position there. Without buying into the narrative that equates criticism of the State of Israel with anti-Semitism, I became critical of what I perceived as the Western Left’s excessive focus on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict when compared to other instances of mass suffering and oppression around the world.

On the one hand, I am inclined to agree with opinions that single out Israel for its colonial policies, which stand in stark contrast to its self-proclaimed status of being “the only democracy in the Middle East.”

On the other, I also became convinced that being strongly opinionated about, and actively involved in resistance against, the Israeli occupation has become a sort of identity politics on...

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Traffic jams: The occupation's invisible collective punishment

It turns out that of the various tools of the occupation, traffic jams are the most common: an elegant and deliberate way of carrying out Israel’s collective punishment against Palestinians.

By Sahar Vardi

Several years ago, Palestinians saw the release of Azmeh (“traffic”), a mobile navigation app that helps them to circumvent the burdensome restrictions on movement in the occupied territories. As opposed to the Israeli navigation app, Waze, Azmeh equivalent maps not only traffic jams, but also their source: Israeli checkpoints.

Which checkpoint is causing trouble today? Where did the army establish a makeshift checkpoint that is holding up traffic? Which checkpoints are simply closed today? Like all other navigation apps, the goal is to bring drivers to their destination as fast as possible and with the least amount of traffic. But in Palestine, most traffic jams form for one reason.

This past week I drove along with another activist in East Jerusalem on Rabea al-Adwiyeh Road. This is the main road in the A-Tur neighborhood, which is home to the two largest Palestinian hospitals in Jerusalem, along with four schools. As we made our way, we suddenly discovered that the road had been blocked. Two police vehicles stood in the middle, blocking both lanes. Every so often a sleepy police officer would wave through the cars driving northward, creating traffic by forcing them to turn either left or right. So what if they are diverted to the wrong direction? At least they had where to go, as opposed to the cars driving southward, who were forced to simply sit and wait.

We got out of the car to try and understand what was happening, joining a group of Palestinians who gathered around the police officers, who wore bulletproof vests and held tear gas grenades and batons. A young Palestinian tried to translate the cries of an older man from the village, who demanded that the police open the road. The police responded that the road had been blocked because someone had thrown a stone. When? From what direction? Why does it matter? It doesn’t, because the police have to follow orders: every time someone throws a stone or shoots fireworks, they block the street. For how long? Until they become fed up. A young man who stood next to us said that this was the third time the road had blocked that day.

Our attempts to tell the police that blocking...

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Against the Israeli Right's state of war

Despite the fallout from the State Comptroller’s report on the 2014 Gaza war, we must remember that the violent atmosphere it created was a boon for an Israeli Right that fosters nationalism, racism and persecution of the Left.

By Alon Mizrahi

1. Throughout my life, I have witnessed Israel take part in a long list of military operations and wars. I have also seen a great deal of terrorism. There was the First Lebanon War, the First Intifada, the Gulf War, the Oslo Accords, the Second Intifada, Operation Defensive Shield, Operation Cast Lead, and Operation Pillar of Defense. Like every Israeli, I was raised in an atmosphere in which war could break out any moment — and, in fact, that happened fairly often.

But never in my life has my society frightened me as it did in the days of Operation Protective Edge. Even today, every time I recall that period, that familiar feeling of dread comes back. The thirst for revenge and the mass funerals, the desire by top government officials for more blood and killing, the violence in the streets, an apocalyptic feeling on social media. The call by Jews to take the law into their own hands and begin the slaughter.

It was that summer I understood that what I had believed my whole life — that we are the good guys who never choose to go to war if we can avoid it — is a lie. According to the conclusions of the recent State Comptroller’s report on the government’s handling of the war (which affirmed what many Israelis already knew), this war could have been prevented. Israel, however, chose differently.

2. Protective Edge was pure political profit for the Right. Internet-based search and destroy units formed against leftists. The calls to commit a Holocaust against leftists and annihilate Gaza suddenly became legitimate. The crazed, racist demon that lies deep within every society everywhere, yet is censored and balanced out by a large dose of top-down restraint in every culture that cherishes life, was given center stage. We have yet to put that genie back in the bottle.

Netanyahu won big following that war. Remember that.

The trick: Small wars

3. Terrifying as it may be, the Israeli Right has no political interest in preventing small wars at particular times. Right-wing propaganda, which told us that we were on the brink of a Holocaust and that...

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‘Investigate Israeli complicity with Pinochet's crimes’

Family members of a Chilean man disappeared and murdered by the Latin American dictator want Israel to open a criminal investigation into officials who cooperated with the murderous regime.

By John Brown* (translated by Tal Haran)

Two Israeli women who immigrated from Chile are taking Israel’s attorney general to court, demanding that he open a criminal investigation into Israeli officials who were involved in arms deals with the regime of Augosto Pinochet, for aiding and abetting crimes against humanity. Lily Traubman and her daughter Tamara Santos Traubman moved to Israel in the 1970s after being persecuted by the Pinochet regime, which also disappeared Lily’s father.

The suit, filed by Attorney Eitay Mack, seeks to compel Attorney General Avichai Mendelbit to open criminal investigations into the involvement of personnel from the Israeli ministries of Defense and Foreign Affairs, the Israeli army, and civilian arms traders.

Pinochet took over Chile on September 11, 1973, overthrowing its elected government and its Marxist prime minister, Salvador Allende. The next day began purges of anyone suspected of having leftist leanings, throughout Chile but particularly in the school system, which lasted until 1990. During the first years of the new regime, around 3,000 persons were abducted and murdered and over 35,000 people were tortured by DINA, the Chilean secret services. The regime never admitted these crimes. Israel was reportedly involved in training the DINA.

One of the victims was Ernesto Traubman, Lily Traubman’s father and Tamara’s grandfather, who was abducted at the outbreak of the coup, tortured to death in the Chilean Ministry of Defense in Santiago, and went missing for about 20 years, until his remains were located and given to the family.

For the past several years the Traubman family has been struggling to expose the connections between Israel and the Chilean regime at that time. The two women filed freedom of information requests in 2015 seeking to gain access to documents related to the arms trade and Israeli political support of that regime. Like the Israeli collaboration with genocide in Guatemala and the Argentinian dictatorship in those years, there is an abundance of publicly available evidence of the ties between Israel and Pinochet’s Chile.

For example, according to a cable from the U.S. Embassy in Chile sent April 24, 1980, which was attached to the women’s freedom of information request, Israel was a major arms supplier to the Pinochet regime. According to a cable quoting...

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Anti-Semitism in the U.S. doesn’t make me want to move to Israel

Why would American Jews be any less repulsed by the ultra-nationalist tendencies rampant in Israel than they are by those taking hold in America?

By Sarah Stern

The Jewish day school in Rockville, MD where I spent six years as a student received a bomb threat this week. There have been over 100 threats like this at Jewish institutions across the United States since January. When I was nudged and shown an article during a conference panel this weekend, however, the news hardly made me flinch. It had not jarred me, I realized, because I recently moved back from Jerusalem, where no space ever felt completely safe.

My nervous system has adapted to handle this moment. Variations of news alerts — stabbings, demolitions, bombings, rockets, car rammings — flashed constantly over there. This was normal. My employer had installed a sophisticated security tracking system on my phone to make it feel normal. I felt prepared for this moment, but I also felt my lack of fear to be disconcerting.

I moved back to the U.S. largely because this didn’t have to be normal for me — I could leave. Israelis will tell you that it’s not so bad; Netanyahu will tell you that they’re “managing it.” Palestinians won’t tell you that, because it’s worse for them and most can’t leave. The root cause of the violence both here and there is much more than anti-Semitism. Ultra-nationalism is core to our shared story.

So I find it strange when people ask me whether I wish I were in Israel now that Trump is in charge and anti-Semitism is rampant. Isaac Herzog, head of the Zionist Union, Israel’s second-largest political party, has urged the Israeli government to prepare for a mass influx of American Jews. The idea is that I would be safer there, you know, as a Jew. After all, in Jewish day school they taught us that Israel is the safe-haven for all Jews. That it is a place for me to express my full identity.

I have never felt more unsafe — as a leftist, as a Palestinian ally, as a Jew — than I felt in Jerusalem.

There were days of protest when I would feel nervous carrying signs in Arabic on the street in sight of right-wing Israelis. There were other days of stabbings, when I would think twice about the Israeliness of my boots before...

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ADL demands Trump advisor disavow ‘anti-Semitic hate groups’

It’s been a rough couple of weeks for Trump advisor Sebastian Gorka following a series of investigations that began with reporting by Lobelog, and published on +972.

By Eli Clifton

Deputy Assistant to the President Sebastian Gorka has had a rough two weeks. It began with LobeLog’s report that he wore the medal of Vitezi Rend, an anti-Semitic Hungarian organization that collaborated with the Nazis during World War II, at an inaugural ball.

There followed the publication of a series of articles questioning his credentials and experience as a counter-terrorism expert, not to mention the circulation on the web of an audio recording of his hectoring and threats against of one of his critics. Most recently, Yale historian Eva Balogh, reporting for LobeLog, laid out Gorka’s family relationship to Vitezi Rend, while Lili Bayer, writing for The Forward, published a detailed investigative article on Gorka’s ties to anti-Semitic groups in Hungary while he was politically active in that country from 2002 to 2007.

Bayer wrote:

In the context of his February 6 denunciation of criticism of the White House’s Holocaust Remembrance Day statement (which failed to mention Jews or anti-Semitism) as “asinine” and “absurd,” the new disclosures of Gorka’s ties to Vitezi Rend and anti-Semitic parties are raising yet more questions about his core beliefs.

Late Friday, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) issued the following statement, calling on Gorka, a protégé of Trump’s chief strategist, Stephen Bannon, and former national security editor of Bannon’s Breitbart news, to “disavow” these associations.

Jonathan Greenblatt, ADL’s CEO, said:

How much impact the ADL’s position will have on a Trump administration that has put forward the bombastic Gorka as perhaps its most aggressive foreign-policy spokesman remains to be seen. But such a strong statement by what has been a relatively cautious organization constitutes an important marker of how concerned leaders of the U.S. Jewish community have become about the “alt-right’s” influence in the White House.

Eli Clifton reports on money in politics and U.S. foreign policy. Eli previously reported for the American Independent New Network, ThinkProgress, and Inter Press Service. This article is reprinted, with permission,

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Losing the will to fight Israel Apartheid Week

It’s getting harder and harder for liberal Zionists to reconcile an Israel that legitimizes settler land theft with the values they have been raised to believe the Jewish state stands for.

By Ben Reiff

I’ve been dreading Israel Apartheid Week since I arrived at university in London – a supposed hot-spot for Israel-Palestine tension on campuses. My understanding of what happens each year during Apartheid Week has always been a scene of hate-fueled anti-Israel, pro-BDS, “free Palestine”-chanting protesters, often facing off with equally hate-fueled anti-Palestine, pro-Israel, “Hatikvah” singing counter-protesters.

As a Jew and an anti-occupation Zionist, as someone who sympathizes with some elements of both of these protest groups while being repulsed by others, and as someone who wishes for nothing more than to see a Palestinian state standing peacefully beside the State of Israel, this puts me somewhere bang in the middle.

Special Coverage: The Israel-Apartheid Debate

Or rather it did, until one Monday earlier this month: February 6, 2017. For liberal Zionists, the passage of the “Regularization Law.” retroactively legalizing the theft of privately owned Palestinian land by Jewish settlers, is at best a slap in the face. At worst, it is a fatal stab in the back to the core values supposedly immortalized in Israel’s Declaration of Independence.

Owing to increasingly extremist policies being propagated by increasingly right-wing governments, it has become more and more difficult to reconcile our Zionism with our support for Palestinian aspirations in recent years.

With enormous measures of empathy and nuance, balancing those two things has nevertheless appeared to remain achievable. I’m no longer confident this is the case.

In the days following the passing of the law, President Reuven Rivlin himself warned that “it will cause Israel to be seen as an apartheid state, which it is not.” But liberal Zionists have been saying this for years. Each additional aggressive, indefensible policy emboldens those labeling Israel an apartheid state, while ostracizing those calling for the avoidance of unilateral peace-hindering steps by either side.

I still won’t be supporting Israel Apartheid Week. I think it creates a perception that Israel is a homogeneous population of occupiers, which is unquestionably false. There are Israelis voting for leftist parties that unequivocally oppose occupation, and Israelis actively boycotting settlement products. There are Israelis choosing conscientious objection and prison over army service.

Look beyond the national-religious right, and you’ll see the work of organizations like B’Tselem and Machsom...

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