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The mask is off: Trump is seeking war with Iran

The White House is committed to finding a way to claim Iran has violated the nuclear deal, regardless of the facts — just as George W. Bush did with Iraq.

By Trita Parsi

Something extraordinary has happened in Washington. President Donald Trump has made it clear, in no uncertain terms and with no effort to disguise his duplicity, that he will claim that Tehran is cheating on the nuclear deal by October — the facts be damned. In short, the fix is in. Trump will refuse to accept that Iran is in compliance and thereby set the stage for a military confrontation. His advisors have even been kind enough to explain how they will go about this. Rarely has a sinister plan to destroy an arms control agreement and pave the way for war been so openly telegraphed.

The unmasking of Trump’s plans to sabotage the nuclear deal began two weeks ago when he reluctantly had to certify that Iran indeed was in compliance. Both the US intelligence as well as the International Atomic Energy Agency had confirmed Tehran’s fair play. But Trump threw a tantrum in the Oval Office and berated his national security team for not having found a way to claim Iran was cheating. According to Foreign Policy, the adults in the room—Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis, and National Security Advisor H. R. McMaster — eventually calmed Trump down but only on the condition that they double down on finding a way for the president to blow up the deal by October.

Prior to the revelation of Trump’s Iran certification meltdown, most analysts and diplomats believed that Trump’s rhetoric on Iran was just that — empty talk. His bark was worse than his bite, as demonstrated when he certified Iran’s compliance back in April and when he renewed sanctions waivers in May. The distance between his rhetoric and actual policy was tangible. Rhetorically, Trump officials described Iran as the root of all problems in the Middle East and as the greatest state sponsor of terror. Trump even suggested he might quit the deal.

In action, however, President Trump continued to waive sanctions and admitted that Iran was adhering to the deal. As a result, many concluded that Trump would continue to fulfill the obligations of the deal while sticking to his harsh rhetoric in order to appease domestic opponents of the...

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How David Grossman got drafted into the fight against BDS

Culture Minister Miri Regev is ramping up her battle against cultural boycotts by enlisting luminaries such as David Grossman. It’s time Israeli artists who believe in democracy to stand up and be brave.

By Ari Remez

The annual Israeli Theater Prize ceremony, held every year in the northern city of Acre, recently took place without a hitch. This, despite the fact that the Jewish Israeli mayor of the city backed a decision to censor a play by Israeli actor Einat Weitzman, and while the Arabic-speaking Al-Midan Theatre in Haifa remains closed. The artistic teams behind the winning works at the ceremony stood on stage alongside Minister of Culture Miri Regev, who assails them repeatedly for their exclusive cultural hegemony. One of the big winners was “To the End of the Land,” based on David Grossman’s novel, whose creators received the Play of the Year award from the minister.

Now Regev is expected to meet the creators of the play once again, this time on another distinguished stage, at the Lincoln Center Festival in New York. It is hard to believe that when Grossman allowed Habima and The Cameri, Israel’s leading theaters, to stage his novel, he expected to stand shoulder to shoulder with Regev against the BDS campaign.

Although Regev has recently presented blatant McCarthyist caricatures to support her threat of cutting the budgets of cultural institutions in Tel Aviv, this has not stopped her from joining the delegation to New York as a patron. Perhaps she wishes to receive some precious media exposure, to bash Roger Waters and Ken Loach — who have led protest against the hosting of both theaters. Protesters claim Habima and The Cameri are complicit in Israel’s oppressive policy against the Palestinian people. For Regev, this is a perfect opportunity for true “left-washing,” since the fact that a writer such as Grossman, who often criticizes the Israeli government, is granted a stage for his play under the patronage of the state, is evidence of Israel’s being a democratic state.

It seems a masquerade is taking place on the Israeli cultural scene. In this masquerade. Regev plays the role of fighting for the culture of the oppressed (periphery, Jewish-Mizrahi communities), in the name of her fabricated concept of “financial freedom” (“the state has the right not to fund elements which undermine its being Jewish and democratic”). On the other side, leading Israeli cultural institutions play the role of fighting for freedom of...

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If it quacks like a duck: NGO Monitor's ties to the Israeli government

NGO Monitor is not a right-wing organization in the classic sense of the word. It has supported every Israeli government. Yet in all its years, the group has not seen fit to research right-wing organizations working to bolster the occupation.

By Sarit Michaeli

NGO Monitor doth protest too much, methinks. A recent oped published by Bet Michael in Haaretz characterized the organization as “extreme right wing” — a description it was none too pleased with. The organization prefers to describe itself as “an independent and nonpartisan research institute.” But as we all know, if it looks like a duck, walks like a duck, and quacks like a duck – it’s a duck.

As an organization that walks the walk and talks the talk of Israel’s government, which enjoys a wonderfully close relationship with the government, provides research and ideas for use by the government, and which receives generous diplomatic assistance from it, NGO Monitor has relinquished the right to complain when it is broadly viewed as a governmental duck, or in other words: a government surrogate group.

True, NGO Monitor is not a right-wing organization in the classic sense of the word. It has supported every Israeli government, including that led by the centrist Kadima party, and recently allied itself with self-appointed foreign minister, Yair Lapid. However, as Israel is currently ruled by an extreme right-wing government intent on entrenching the occupation and the settlement project, and while the political center is either invested in maintaining the occupation or does not lift a finger to end it, these are mere semantics. In essence, NGO Monitor is a partner in the Israeli government’s war against NGOs that resist the occupation.

This pretense of “independence” serves both sides. The prime minister and deputy foreign minister approach Europe demanding it stops funding and meeting with groups like B’Tselem and Breaking the Silence, armed with information provided by an ostensibly independent think tank. Legislative initiatives like the NGO Law, as well as its previous incarnation, cemented the fallacy that transparent funding from friendly governments is unacceptable, while the flow of dollars from Jewish tycoons such as American casino mogul Sheldon Adelson or Irving Moskowitz, or from Christian evangelists is fine and desirable. NGO Monitor rightly claims credit as one of the main instigators of this legislation.

NGO Monitor’s claim to be an “a-political and independent” group that promotes...

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Calling Bibi's bluff: Why Israel depends on a liberal, open Europe

Netanyahu can bash the EU all he wants. At the end of the day, the future and security of Israel depends on its political and economic ties with the EU, not vice versa.

By Eitay Mack (translated from Hebrew by Ofer Neiman)

Last Wednesday, the media leaked a recording of a private conversation between Netanyahu and the heads of state of Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary. In that conversation, Israel’s prime minister portrayed the European Union as a madman who puts its own future and security at risk. According to Netanyahu, the EU’s madness stems from its refusal to keep silent on the occupation of Palestinian territories, leaving him to wonder how the EU has not realized what politicians in India, China and Africa have already realized: security exports from Israel supersede anything else, and therefore one must refrain from intervening in Israel’s internal affairs.

The leak was likely an accident, but the timing of the conversation was not. Netanyahu smells the EU’s blood, as the latter is preoccupied with stopping the populist right-wing surge across the continent, as well as dealing with identity and economic crises, Brexit, refugees and immigration. While Trump flanks the EU from the West, Netanyahu has decided to do the same from the East, along with heads of state in Eastern Europe, who are also in the midst of a democratic crisis. Since the Trump administration has made it clear it is not be interested in human rights, the only thing keeping Netanyahu from the Promised Land are those pesky folks in Brussels.

Ending the masquerade

Netanyahu’s attempt to rein in the EU is not new. While Israeli governments have always tried to get by during votes in international forums by enlisting the support of democratic Western countries (support that Israel labels “the moral majority”), in reality the State of Israel has for decades been relying on the support of non-democratic states who receive arms in return for favorable votes. These regimes include the military juntas in Latin America and the apartheid regime in South Africa in the 1970s and 1980s. With the end of the Cold War and the signing of the Oslo Accords in the early 1990s, Israel renewed diplomatic relations with many states, after they were severed following the 1967 and 1973 wars. Many states no longer feared voting in favor of Israel, and the Israeli method of selling arms in return for votes at international forums had expanded to new parts of Asia and...

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Is Abbas serious about freezing security coordination with Israel?

Will Palestinian security forces open fire on Israeli soldiers who raid Palestinian cities? Is the PA still going to hand over the names of wanted Palestinians? Or is it all a bluff?

By Menachem Klein

At a time when there is no peace process and Israel continues building settlements in the West Bank, the Palestinian Authority’s security coordination with Israel is gnawing away at public support for Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas. The current crisis over Al-Aqsa Mosque has brought things to a boiling point, such that Abbas simply cannot allow himself to continue the security coordination — or at least had to announce that he is suspending it it.

Let us assume for a moment that Abbas’s announcement was cynical, and was driven by his lack of support among the Palestinian public, and that in reality the security coordination is continuing unabated. That would align with Abbas’s modus operandi of doing everything he can to prevent the type anarchy that reigned during the Second Intifada, for which Palestinian society paid a heavy price.

If it was indeed insincere, such a proclamation by Abbas could be dangerous: he risks being seen as a fraud and untrustworthy. For Abbas, this is one of the main things that differentiates him from his predecessor, Yasser Arafat. In the eyes of his supporters in the PA and outside it, as well as among the Israeli security establishment and the West, Abbas is seen as an honest figure. Arafat, on the other hand, was viewed as manipulative. A complete loss of trust in Abbas could also carry a high price for Palestinian society. He could lose the support of a third of the Palestinian public, which according to recent polls, still supports him.

Thus Abbas’ announcement seems sincere. However, it is yet unclear how it will be implemented. Are Palestinian security forces going to open fire on Israeli soldiers who enter those Palestinian cities under full PA control? Will the Palestinian security apparatus continue — as it does today — handing over names of wanted Palestinians to Israel, including those whom the PA is afraid of arresting? How can Abbas ensure that Hamas and his arch-rival Mohammad Dahlan — who recently formed an alliance with the Islamist movement in Gaza — don’t exploit this moment to undermine his regime. He would seem particularly vulnerable at a moment like this, when he has neither security...

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Why the metal detectors at Al-Aqsa are such a big deal

Palestinians aren’t against security measures at the Al-Aqsa compound — they are against changing the delicate status quo at one of Islam’s holiest sites.

By Noa Levy

Why are the Palestinians up in arms over metal detectors at the entrance to Al-Aqsa? Let me assume for a moment that most of you, like me, don’t get what the big deal is. After all, there are metal detectors at the entrance to every mall, train station, and even the Western Wall and the holy sites in Mecca. Islam forbids bringing in weapons to the holy Al-Aqsa compound, and the metal detectors are there for the protection of the worshippers. So what gives?

The issue is the framing. Framing this story as one in which Palestinians have a problem with metal detectors does an injustice to the demands of the worshipers at Al-Aqsa. Since the occupation of East Jerusalem in 1967 Israel has respected the status quo vis-a-vis the city’s Muslim holy sites: the Aqsa compound is managed by the Islamic Waqf, the body that controls the compound according an agreement between Israel and Jordan. Israel knows that this arrangement is what prevents conflagration with the Muslim world. When the status quo was first violated by Ariel Sharon in 2000, it lead to the Second Intifada.

There are security checks, managed by the Waqf, at the entrance to Al-Aqsa that no one has ever opposed. If the Israelis want metal detectors, why not let the Waqf be put in charge of them?

But this was never the issue at hand. Worshippers are upset about an Israeli checkpoint being manned by Israeli Border Police officers — a checkpoint similar to the ones in the West Bank, which Palestinians associate with long lines, humiliation, and abuse by soldiers and police officers. This is a checkpoint that was erected at the entrance to one of the holiest sites in Islam, where Palestinian worshipers enter five times a day to pray. The compound also includes mosques, a school, homes, and several other buildings.

The protests, then, are against the Israeli checkpoint at the entrance to Al-Aqsa, as a violation of the states quo on the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif, as well as increased Israel control over those who enter it. It’s not only about the metal detectors themselves. No one had a problem when the security checks were handled by the Waqf.

It is the government, not the...

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The Syrian ceasefire in the Golan is good for Israel

Netanyahu called Trump and Putin’s ceasefire in Syria a ‘bad deal.’ But it could be the one thing that prevents Israel from being dragged into war — whether by miscalculation or military escalation.

By Shemuel Meir

The dramatic announcement by presidents Trump and Putin of a ceasefire in “south-west Syria” earlier this month was greeted in Israel with skepticism. Official Israel wasn’t impressed with the agreement reached by the two superpowers to establish and enforce a buffer zone on Israel’s northern border in the Golan Heights, free of all military activity.

In the first Israeli cabinet meeting held after the ceasefire agreement was announced, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu spoke in stipulations: “Israel will welcome a genuine ceasefire in Syria but this ceasefire must not enable the establishment of a military presence by Iran and its proxies in Syria in general and in southern Syria in particular.” One week later, at a press briefing in Paris, Netanyahu called the ceasefire a “bad deal” and declared Israel’s opposition to it.

Israeli Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman was even more scathing. Israel is not obligated by the ceasefire deal and reserves “absolute freedom of action” to respond to developments on the ground as it sees fit, according to Liberman, irrespective of the understandings reached between Trump and Putin.

Most of the analysis in Israel fell in line with Netanyahu and Liberman, minimizing the agreement and ignoring any strategic value it might have for Israel. That is a mistake. There is more than meets the eye in this agreement.

Even if the ceasefire agreement doesn’t fully address the entire enforcement arrangement, it does indicate American involvement in Syria in the era that follows the routing of ISIS and the conquering of its de facto capital, Raqqa. The agreement, therefore, should alleviate Israel’s concerns about the vacuum that would be created if the Americans left, which would negatively affect the situation in the Golan Heights.

The ceasefire agreement also came at a critical point in time for Israel. The calm fostered on the ground helped prevent Israel being dragged into the war by miscalculation or unplanned military escalation.

Several days in a row in June 2017, we saw daily reports of the IDF attacking Syrian military targets in response to artillery or mortar fire into Israeli-controlled territory. The routine of errant shells falling in Israeli territory now included an automatic IDF response,...

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No more waiting: LGBTQ Israelis must take the rights they deserve

The Israeli government doesn’t believe LGBTQ Israelis should be able to adopt children, yet continues to tell the world what a wonderful place Israel for the queer community.

By Yael Marom

The past few days have been a stark reminder of just how the Israeli government views the LGBTQ community. The Welfare Ministry’s statement calling LGBTQ families “irregulars,” who should not be allowed to adopt children, is just the latest in a number of legislative moves and court decisions that go directly against LGBTQ rights. As the annual Jerusalem pride march approaches, the queer community in Israel can clearly see the hypocrisy of the Only Democracy in action.

With the masks finally off, the community now has a golden opportunity to rear its head and understand that the state needs it far more than that the community needs the state’s approval in order to be “normal” or get married. Who asked them, anyway?

On Monday, Tel Aviv University law professor Aeyal Gross published an excellent article in Haaretz, after he went to the Foreign Ministry’s website to see how Israel presents its LGBTQ community to the world. From the website:

Even more incredible is the fact that Gross found that the website mentions equal adoption rights no less than four times. Someone here is lying.

The time has come to understand that between the Nation-State Law, attacks on the “left-wing media,” and Netanyahu’s corruption scandals, the LGBTQ community is one of the last remaining fig leafs propping up the deceitful image of Israel as a Western, liberal country. The community has a great deal of power, and it’s time to stop playing nice.

No one is going to give LGBTQ Israelis their rights — they need to take them. The community cannot sit and wait for Amir Ohana, Israel’s only gay lawmaker, to make good on his promises through back room deals, while the community shuts its mouth and looks pretty.

Before the last elections, a small group of LGBTQ activists, along with housing rights activists, burst into several events held by the right-wing Jewish Home party, protesting the homophobia of a party that today controls the Justice Ministry. There were some in the LGBTQ community that accused the protestors of acting violently, arguing that the community should not be “political.”

After the murder of Shira Banki during the 2015 Jerusalem pride march, queer activists protested against a government...

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In Israel's 'eternal capital,' anti-Palestinian discrimination is built-in

A closer look at Jerusalem’s new construction plans are a testament to the fact that Israel cannot continue lording over hundreds of thousands of Palestinians without infringing on their basic rights.

By Aviv Tatarsky

After a considerably long lull, Prime Minister Netanyahu and Jerusalem Mayor Nir Barkat have rebooted their plan to build beyond the Green Line in the city. These days, the government is working to build 2,000 housing units in East Jerusalem — and that’s only the beginning. Israeli building in the territories occupied in 1967 is usually tied to Israel’s attempt to thwart all attempts to make East Jerusalem the future capital of the Palestinian state, and thus perpetuate the bloodletting.

But Israeli construction has another angle that we tend to ignore: almost every single plan that was proposed over the past week directly violates the basic rights of Palestinians to live here. Not over “there” in the West Bank, where settlers (not us, that is) are willing to live alongside people without rights; but right here in the democratic state of Israel, and in proximity to the Israeli mainstream. The long list of construction plans proposed last week is yet another reminder of what Palestinian life looks like in our capital. Here are just four examples of basic Palestinian rights that will be violated as a result of these plans.

Equality. Nir Barkat joined the Right’s celebration over the lifting of restrictions on settlement construction, announcing last week plans to build 800 apartments in Israeli neighborhoods beyond the Green Line. “Construction will continue unabated in order to strengthen the capital of Israel.” Barkat also announced that the construction of 114 housing units in the city’s Palestinian neighborhoods “as part of the city’s policy to build in all parts of the city.”

These are the mayor’s numbers, which according to him are a testament to the equality and fairness with which he runs the city. However, a quick calculation shows that while Palestinians make up 38 percent of the city’s residents, those 114 housing units constitute only 12 percent of the 914 units Barkat is so proud of. Real equality would mean that alongside those 800 “Israeli” apartments, the municipality would plan to build 490 units in Palestinian neighborhoods — more than four times what it has committed itself to. In eight years of Barkat and Netanyahu’s rule, the Jerusalem municipality has approved numerous, detailed master plans for...

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My village is under threat. I'm not giving up hope

The residents of Umm al-Khair have been robbed of humanity and justice. We have the right to live without the constant threat of demolition, to have enough clean water, and to live without fear.

By Awdah al-Hathalean

My name is Awdah Mohammed al-Hathalean. I’m 23 years old and I live in Umm al-Khair, a village in the South Hebron Hills of the West Bank. My story is bittersweet.

When I was seven months old, I fell into a fire in my home, and my father was not able to move fast enough to rescue me because of his disability. After that I had a lot of surgeries on my face. I traveled to Egypt and Jordan for medical treatment three times before I was five years old. When I was six I entered first grade and was the best student in my class.

Year by year, as I grew aware of the situation in my village, I remember my father telling me, “Only through education can you help us in our village.” He also explained that we are refugees from the city of Arad, on the border of the Negev and Judean deserts. We came to Umm al-Khair to take refuge, buying this plot of land in the south Hebron Hills. In 1981 the Israeli settlement Carmel took half of our land. Carmel and the occupation, he continued, prevented us from building on our own land. Meanwhile we don’t have enough water and all of our homes are slated for demolition.

I understood my father when he said that only with education could I help my village, so I loved learning and education. Then I became one of the best students at school. When I was in seventh grade I saw the first disaster in my village: from the school window I saw soldiers, army vehicles, police, and bulldozers in my village. I remember being too scared, and the fear froze me. I couldn’t do anything, not even ask what had happened.

After class, I immediately went to the village to see what happened, but they had already finished. They demolished some of the houses, and I still remember the tears and anger of the women and children. I thought that we would leave the village, but we began to rebuild the tents. Tents can’t protect from the hot sun and cold winter, and all of them collapsed in the snow that year.

Eventually, I made it to the 12th grade and took pre-university exams. I...

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‘If we ever get 24 straight hours of electricity, it'll be a culture shock’

With the electricity crisis far from being over, Gaza resident Ghada Al-Haddad recalls that the dire situation in the Strip is not a temporary exigency, but rather a culmination of a persistent reality that has developed over a decade of closure.

By Ghada Al-Haddad

To children born after 2006 in the Gaza Strip, stories about the days when electricity was available all day long sound like fairytales, fantasies that can scarcely be believed. Born into a reality structured by an unreliable power distribution schedule, the inconsistent supply of electricity for domestic use has often been insufficient for children to watch an episode of their favorite TV show in its entirety. Nine-year-old Misk Said keeps asking her parents in bewilderment, “is it true that there was once a whole day without a single power cut?”

“Going through a full day, or night, or both, without power isn’t new to us; it has become part of our daily routines for upwards of a decade,” says Misk’s father, Mohammed Said, solemnly, as we trudge through the darkness of Al Shati Camp, to the west of Gaza City. The only sources of light in the narrow allies are the dim rays beaming through the windows of the closely-packed houses, faded from the excessive use of generators, used to power them when the power grid is off. “If we get 24 hours of electricity, it’ll be like total culture shock,” added Said.

From the very beginning of the closure in 2007, and even before that, people of the coastal enclave were confronted with unpredictable power cuts at various hours, but managed to get by. Then the adversity they face started to intensify; the electricity cuts grew more frequent, and far longer than before. The following year, Gaza’s residents were familiarized with what it means to live life dictated by an electricity schedule. The schedule allowed for two eight-hour slots of electricity supplied each day. Depending on changing circumstances, the intervals of uninterrupted power supply are sometimes reduced to six hours, four, even two, and at times, none at all.

Residents of Gaza pray never to reach the point at which the power grid cannot support the eight-hour supply schedule, which inevitably causes all aspects of life to grind to a halt. The eight-hour-schedule has become the peak of their expectations, regardless of its unsteady outages. Now the thought of having entire days of undisturbed electricity...

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Israel is expelling 300 Palestinians, to a village it plans to demolish

Dkaika, a tiny Bedouin-Palestinian village in the south Hebron Hills, is under threat of demolition. The state hopes to expel its residents to a nearby village — which is also under threat of destruction.

By Eli Bitan

Israel’s High Court of Justice is set to decide the future of a small Palestinian village in the West Bank next week. Dkaika, located on the edge of the South Hebron Hills in Area C, is living under the shadow of demolition, with the state threatening to uproot its villagers by March 2018. The village’s 300 residents are to be expelled to the nearby village Hamida — which is also under threat of demolition.

The High Court is set to hear the case on July 17.

Out of Dkaika’s 140 structures, 114 are slated for demolition. In order to prevent the expulsion, the village submitted a detailed plan, put together by Professor Rasem Khamaisi, to the state. The Civil Administration rejected the plan, and in 2014 the village petitioned the High Court to demand the state either accept the plan, or order the Civil Administration to come up with its own that will allow the village to remain in its current location.

Should the petition be rejected, or should the High Court refuse to intervene and defend the residents from expulsion, the state may completely or partially demolish the village. Fifteen of the homes that were built after the petition was submitted are especially vulnerable to demolition. The villagers, who live off agriculture, demand that the state allow them to continue building inside the boundaries delineated by Khamaisi’s proposed plan.

From the very outset of the occupation of the West Bank, the Israeli authorities implemented a planning policy that severely restricted Palestinian construction, all while encouraging Israeli settlements, which were allocated vast areas for establishment and expansion. Israel thereby created a situation in which thousands of Palestinians are forced to build illegally. This remains the policy in Area C, under full Israeli control, which comprises approximately 60 percent of the West Bank.

Without an approved plan, the Dkaika’s villagers are resigned to continue building illegally. The same goes for Hamida, the village which Israel hopes to expel Dkaika’s residents to. This means that the villagers will be exposed to forced removal and additional demolitions.

Dkaika is recognized by the Palestinian Authority as an independent village, and includes a school, a mosque, and a cemetery from the Ottoman period. Despite this, the...

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IDF sentences conscientious objector to five days in prison

Noa Gur Golan will spend five days in military prison for refusing to serve in the Israeli army.

By +972 Magazine Staff

The Israeli army sentenced conscientious objector Noa Gur Golan to five days in military prison Wednesday, after she announced her refusal to serve due to the violence of the IDF.

Gur Golan arrived at the IDF induction center in Tel Hashomer on Wednesday morning accompanied by family members and activists. Following her sentence, she will once again be asked to show up at the center, where she is expected to continue to refuse induction, and will likely be sentenced again. She is being supported by Mesarvot — Refusing to Serve the Occupation, a grassroots network that brings together individuals and groups who refuse to enlist in the IDF in protest at the occupation.

Gur Golan, 19, from Netanya, refuses to serve in the IDF due to her pacifist beliefs in nonviolence, and because she believes that she must actively work to reduce violence and bring about peace. She has previously stood before a conscientious objectors committee, which rejected her request for exemption. Gur Golan demands to be recognized as a conscientious objector, rather than a pacifist (whom are more easily granted exemption from the committee), and is willing to pay the price.

In her declaration of refusal, she wrote the following:

Last month, the army released conscientious objector Atalya Ben-Abba from military service after spending a total of 110 days in military prison for refusing to be drafted. Ben-Abba was released on grounds of unsuitability, after her request to be recognized as a conscientious objector was rejected a day earlier.

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