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New play brings tales from Palestine to the London stage

A new one-man play, staged to mark the 69th anniversary of the Nakba and 50 years of occupation, brought Gaza, Ramallah and Yarmouk refugee camp to the heart of London.

 By Christa Blackmon

A 12-year old boy escaping from Yarmouk refugee camp in Damascus is left alone to sort out the quirks of his biology in an overcrowded raft headed for Europe. A vain yet independent girl struggles with her father’s rules and her first taste of sexual love. A shallow 20-year-old taxi driver is desperate to get laid despite the watchful eye of Hamas. And a vibrant actor living in Haifa yearns for his dream role where he doesn’t get shot.

These stories of passion, hope, longing, and crushing injustices are given the spotlight in Camouflage, a new one-man play written by director and academic Ahmed Masoud, and starring British-Egyptian actor James El-Sharawy. The show ran for one night only in Amnesty International’s London headquarters to mark both the 69th anniversary of the Nakba and 50 years since the occupation began.

Standing against one of the simple panel backdrops, with a handful of props and few sound effects, it is El-Sharawy’s physicality and the fluctuations of his voice that carry the action forward. Flipping his accents, pitch, and movements for each character, El-Sharawy plays not only the role of storyteller, but also a number of other characters within the story itself. As 17-year-old Nibal, he adopts flirty feminine gestures but must also communicate her terror when he embodies an Israeli soldier that taunts her with cigarette smoke. He is the taxi driver Zeid, as well as an intimidating Hamas officer, an alluring widow on a date, and a rather lonely grandmother.

The stories are separate from each other, not only spatially but in their content. What connects them is their characters’ struggle to live their awkward youthful experiences in spite of war. El-Sharawy brings them all together in a dramatic pantomime at the end where the movements from one story give way to those of another, each character acting out their own version of camouflage: Thaer and his friend as scarecrows running to the border, Nibal and her bikini lounging by her pool trying to forget the occupation outside her home, Zeid and his desperate attempts to look cool on Tinder, and Sami sneaking into an Israeli nightclub before his Palestinian dance moves give him away.

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'50 years of occupation is 50 years too many'

As the Right celebrates 50 years of military rule over the Palestinians, the Left must not be afraid to create alliances between struggles and remind Israelis that ending the occupation is everyone’s task.

By Eli Bitan

The following is the full text of Local Call blogger and editor Eli Bitan’s speech in front of 10,000 left-wing protesters at Saturday’s anti-occupation rally:

Today we count 47 days days until the Omer. Today, in the early hours of the morning, we finished counting 41 days since thousands of political prisoners went on hunger strike to protest their conditions. A strike that ended this morning.

Forty-one days without food, without meeting their attorneys, and with violent attempts at breaking their spirit. Forty-one days in which masses of Palestinians have been protesting, both in Israel and in the West Bank, to improve their conditions — worse than any other prisoners, regardless of what they were jailed for. Forty-one days in which we, Israel’s Jewish citizens, have known nearly nothing about this strike or the demands of the prisoners — all under the auspices of a silent media, and the lies of Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan, who lied to the U.S. president in our name, lies to us in the name of the Netanyahu government, just as he did with Umm al-Hiran. Bald-faced lies.

Forty-one days in which two Palestinians were killed by the Border Police or settlers: Saba Abu Ubeid from Nabi Saleh and Muataz Hussein Hilal Bani Shamsa from the village Beita near Nablus. These were two young men who went out to protest in support of the hunger striking prisoners.

My name is Eli Bitan. I grew up in Ramat Beit Shemesh within an ultra-Orthodox family. I studied in a Shas-run school and later on in a yeshiva in Bnei Brak, two very Haredi institutions. Like most Israelis, I was raised on the ethos that Israel stretches out its hand in peace. I was raised to believe that Israelis want peace, and will do everything they can to achieve it. That there is a small, marginal group — ideological settlers — who view war as victory and revere land over life.

The ultra-Orthodox, as opposed to what many believe in Israel, are moderate when it comes to these issues. Two of its most prominent leaders over the past 50 years held clear dovish positions: Rabbi Ovadia Yosef, who granted halakhic legitimacy to the peace deal with Egypt and...

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Forget negotiations, Israelis and Palestinians need an intervention

When both sides aren’t ready to make concessions, when one side gets to decide who sits at the table and who sits in jail, negotiations are bound to fail. It is time for the international community to mediate.

By Mossi Raz

A man is standing in a dangerous place, beside him is a wall, and beyond that wall is a safe harbor. The man tries to cross over directly through the wall, time and time again, until he cracks his head. Nearby is a bus that brings its passengers to the other side, but our man won’t board that bus. He won’t let foreigners determine his fate.

This is precisely our story. Since 1967 we have been carrying out an occupation that brings with it killing and moral corruption. We know exactly where we want to get: a two-state solution, which was presented in the Arab Peace Initiative, and whose details were laid out in the Geneva Initiative. And yet we are unable to get there.

In general, it is doubtful whether the two sides can negotiate when one side is so much stronger than the other. One side gets to decide who gets to sit at the negotiating table, and who gets to eat chocolates in prison, who will be detained in a cage for hours because he wanted to pass through a checkpoint, and who will be treated as human.

The reason for the failure thus far has been the attempt to go head first into negotiations. But there is another possibility, one that President Trump spoke about during his meeting with Mahmoud Abbas. He said that he would be a mediator between the two sides. For 50 years we have been trying and insisting on making mediation a possibility, to little success. Now is the time for mediation.

In mediation, the prime minister will neither be made to give nor take. He will arrive in order to demand what he wants. He can claim that Hebron was always ours, that Dahiyat al-Barid is in our blood, that Jews have always longed for Ramallah. The prime minister can go into mediation with whatever he believes is in Israel’s best interest. The media, which once criticized prime ministers for what they “gave up” in negotiations with Palestinians, will only strengthen him. Finally, after a year, the mediator will decide. What will he decide? This we already know: something along the lines of the...

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The false story Israel tells itself about the Middle East

According to Israel’s leaders, the Middle East is made up of primitive tribespeople and Islamic radicals who cannot be negotiated with. They’re wrong.

By Idan Barir and Ori Goldberg

Nearly a month ago, a hearing at the Knesset’s State Control Committee that looked into the State Comptroller’s report on Israel’s handling of Operation Protective Edge, brought together Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Meretz chairwoman Zehava Galon. During the hearing, Galon asked the prime minister what kind of future he proposes for Israeli citizens. His response had quite an impact on his supporters, who shared the video on social media under the headline, “The prime minister silences Zehava Galon.” For nearly three minutes, Netanyahu, in a rare moment of spontaneity, honesty and fervor, fleshed out his political, security-based, and economic worldview. It would behoove us to analyze how Netanyahu views the reality in the region, and perhaps especially the distinction between truth and lies.

“I suggest you get to know the reality,” Netanyahu said to Galon. “You wanted a ‘New Middle East?’ You got it. Radical Islam is everywhere. Any territory you evacuate, you get radical Islam […] more tunnels, more rockets […] have I solved the problem of Hamas? Without fully occupying you cannot solve the problem […] I don’t have the option of cleansing the Middle East around me of this murderous ideology, just as unfortunately I cannot cleanse Syria or Iraq from the murderous ideology of ISIS, and unfortunately we currently have no way to change Iran’s obsessive ideology.”

Between ISIS and the tribespeople

It turns out that according to the prime minister, at the root of the Middle East lies radical Islam. Thus, anywhere we leave radical Islam alone, it comes bubbling to the surface. Let’s put aside the baseless connection between Hamas and ISIS. Let’s focus on what Netanyahu was getting at: there are no real states in the Middle States. One cannot “cleanse” Syria and Iraq, or accede territory to Palestinians, since the sovereign Middle East state is no more than a cover. It does not have the vitality or the grasp that radical Islam has. And since radical Islam is characterized by obsessiveness and irrationality, one cannot negotiate with it. This is very sad, of course, but “we have no choice.” Israel is a state, and since states are rational entities that fully understand the reality, they define everything that stands before it as the exact...

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A Palestinian’s first-class seat next to Naftali Bennett

A free airline upgrade leaves a Palestinian sitting next to one of the Israeli government’s most right-wing nationalists — who went on to make some revealing comments about Trump, the peace process and his colleagues in the Knesset.

By Jamil Dakwar

Earlier this month, I was flying home to New York from Atlanta, Georgia after attending a four-day global human rights conference presided over by former President Jimmy Carter. To my pleasant surprise, I was offered a last-minute free upgrade to business class. But my excitement over what was sure to be a luxurious two-hour nap was short-lived.

When I got to my seat, I found a familiar face in the seat next to mine. I, a Palestinian with Israeli citizenship, had been “upgraded” to sit beside a fanatic who once bragged about how many Arabs he killed as part of his military service.

While boarding the plane, I had been asked to wait patiently as a large group first made its way into the boarding area. It wasn’t difficult to recognize Naftali Bennett, who was dressed casually in a black polo shirt and jeans. He was swiftly escorted by American and Israeli secret services onto the plane. I assumed that Bennett’s security detail — or even the airline itself — would clear the business class of all passengers to make room for the education minister and his guards. Certainly, I thought, Arabs, Muslims, or anyone mistaken for either, would be the first to go.

I couldn’t help but recall images of that same airline brutalizing a passenger who refused to give up his seat just a few weeks earlier. But, business class ticket in hand, I proceeded to board the plane, looking for seat 2A. Imagine my surprise to discover, in seat 2B, one of the most right-wing nationalists in Israel’s government. If only he recognized the irony of having to stand up to make way for an outspoken Palestinian human rights activist.

At a loss, I texted my wife to ask what I should do. She recommended that I politely ask to change my seat, and warned me: “Whatever you do be careful!” But I had no intention of giving up my business class seat just to make a proponent of segregation feel more comfortable. I emailed my good friend Hagai El-Ad, the director of B’Tselem, who I had just spent...

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Jerusalem Day: W. J'lm businesses shutter in solidarity with Palestinians

Each year on Jerusalem Day, Palestinian businesses located along the route of the March of the Flags are ordered by police to shut up shop during the parade. This year, Jewish business owners in West Jerusalem closed up early in solidarity.

By Yael Marom

On Wednesday afternoon, as on every Jerusalem Day, Palestinians in and around the Old City’s Muslim Quarter were under police orders to shutter their shops and homes during the “March of the Flags,” which sees tens of thousands of young Israeli Jews descending on the occupied city. The day, and the march, celebrate what the Right insists on calling the “unified” city of Jerusalem.

This closing of businesses, and the loss of revenue that results, is a yearly occurrence for Palestinian traders whose businesses are located along the route of the march. This year, however, around 50 owners of shops, bars and restaurants in West Jerusalem decided to act in solidarity with their Palestinian colleagues, signing a petition in protest of the impact of the march. Several displayed signs expressing solidarity with Palestinian business owners, and some even decided to shut up shop while the march was ongoing.

The owners of Falafel Mullah, in the Machane Yehuda market in Jerusalem, explained: “It’s unacceptable to us that any store should be closed for security reasons — it’s difficult as it is to make a living here. We have many partners in the east of the city and when they lose out and are deprived of basic rights, we’re affected too.

“Difficulties involving finances and security cross borders, so merchants in West Jerusalem are standing in solidarity with residents in the east of the city whose income and basic rights are affected by this march.”

Daniella, whose restaurant Barood is also part of the initiative, said: “The March of the Flags is a violent, ugly procession, which disturbs the Jerusalem public.

“This day affects traders across the entire city, as do other citywide events. It’s difficult to support oneself in this city. Solidarity between traders is important, not only today, but every day of the year,” she added.

“The March of the Flags on Jerusalem Day brings the complexity of Jerusalem to a peak — the violence, the racism and the hatred that extends throughout the city,” said Noam of Hamarakia, another restaurant taking part in the initiative.

“The violence reaches its height in East Jerusalem, in particular...

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Palestinian cars torched in 'price tag' attack in northern Israel

Two cars were set on fire and the words ‘price tag’ spray painted on a house in ‘Ara, a Palestinian village in northern Israel.

By Yael Marom

Residents of ‘Ara, a Palestinian village in northern Israel, awoke on Wednesday morning to find that two of their cars had been set on fire and the words “price tag” spray-painted in Hebrew on the wall of one of their homes. Police arrived on the scene of the incident and have opened an investigation, although there are currently — as expected — no suspects.

The graffiti on the wall in ‘Ara also said “regards from the removed,” likely referring to an administrative order that the Shin Bet against extreme right activist Meir Ettinger, as reported on Tuesday. The order bars him from the West Bank for six months, and from Jerusalem for three months.

The order also places Ettinger, who was released from a 10-month spell in administrative detention around a year ago, under night-time house arrest. Ettinger is not the only right-wing figure whose activities the police are trying to curb through use of administrative orders with no trial, and through declaring various parts of the country off-limits.

But it seems that, as usual, Arabs are paying the price for police efforts to tackle the so-called hilltop youth’s extremist right-wing violence.

Last week, a settler shot a protester dead in the West Bank town of Huwwara after getting caught up in a demonstration, trying to run over demonstrators, and having a volley of stones thrown at him. A photojournalist was also shot and wounded in the incident.

About a month ago, on the morning of April 22, a gang of Israelis from the radical Yitzhar settlement attacked the nearby Palestinian villages of Urif and Huwwara. Residents of the village alerted the Israeli authorities during the first wave of violence, following which the army and police arrived on the scene. However, they made no arrests, simply driving the settlers back from the village before leaving.

The settlers smashed car windows, set fires and injured several Palestinians, including one woman who received a head wound. Israeli soldiers who arrived on the scene shot rubber bullets at the Palestinian residents. Nonetheless, the incident only came to the attention of the Israeli media because an IDF officer received an injury to his hand from a settler.

The day before, a large group of masked settlers from the...

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Diaspora Jews must place our bodies on the line

As internationals and Jews, we are unjustly privileged — and therefore obligated to take part in nonviolent direct action in support of the Palestinian struggle for freedom.

By Leanne Gale

My first protest in the West Bank was in 2012. On the advice of a college professor, I went to a demonstration in Susya, a Palestinian village in the South Hebron Hills. The village was then, as now, under threat of demolition.

When we arrived, along with a few other American students affiliated with J Street U, there were already around 700 Palestinians, Israelis, and internationals present. The children of the village had painted Palestinian flags on their faces and the energy was almost celebratory. But when we began to march to the site of Susya’s ancestral lands, which had been taken over by an Israeli settlement, the Israeli military came out in full force. The demonstration was dispersed with tear gas, stun grenades, and the threat of skunk water. I had never been so terrified in my life.

That terror came back this week when I returned to the South Hebron Hills with the Center for Jewish Nonviolence. Almost 200 diaspora Jews helped establish the Sumud Freedom Camp on the site of the Palestinian village Sarura. Twenty years ago, the residents of Sarura had been forced to abandon their village in the face of settler violence and the imposition of a closed military zone on their land. This past weekend, they chose to name the freedom camp “Sumud,” Arabic for steadfastness, to embody a central concept in the Palestinian lexicon of resistance.

The action was organized by an unprecedented coalition of Palestinian, joint Israeli-Palestinian, and diaspora Jewish organizations, including the South Hebron Hills Popular Committee, Youth Against Settlements, Holy Land Trust, All That’s Left, Combatants for Peace, and Center for Jewish Nonviolence. Many of the Jews who flew in from around the world had absolutely no idea what it might be like to confront settlers or the Israeli military. And yet, out of obligation, they came.

One trip participant, an American Jew from Connecticut, recalled her first time protesting the occupation in the West Bank in 1983. She was the only diaspora Jew there then. A second trip participant, an American Jew from Washington D.C. and veteran anti-occupation activist, remarked that if I...

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What can Trump really do in the face of a 50-year occupation?

President Trump has arrived in Israel, promising the ultimate deal. Ahead of the big day, a few political activists and commentators shared their thoughts on what, if anything, Trump can bring to the region. 

By Yaser Abu Areesha

President Donald Trump, a man who often speaks about making the “ultimate deal” that would bring an end to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, has landed in Israel. But despite official declarations, no one is actually sure what he wants or whether he will surprise us. What is certain is that Trump moves in mysterious ways.

The president is no longer the messiah of the extreme right in Israel, which seeks to annex the West Bank with as few Arabs as possible. The Left, for its part, looks at Trump with anxiety. Israeli and American officials have been sweating over this trip, and the only ones who have gained anything from this trip have been the Saudis, who were crowned by Trump as the leaders of the Arab world to the tune of hundreds of billions of dollars.

The Palestinian side also has trouble figuring out the president. His declarations of support for the Palestinian right to self-determination or his whimsical call for either a one- or two-state solution, which themselves do little to help Palestinians who have grown tired of lip service by world powers.

As a service to our esteemed guest, and in order to combat ignorance, I decided to turn to a few political activists and ask them what, in their opinion, is the ultimate deal Trump should propose.

First end the occupation, then have a referendum

My first interviewee was Issa Amro, an anti-occupation activist from Hebron, who runs the Youth Against Settlements organization.

Issa, Trump is here. Are you excited?

Why should I be excited? Trump represents the positions of the Israeli Right, and does not adopt any stances that will allow the Palestinian people minimum rights.

But Trump said he supports the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination.

At the same time as adopting extreme positions that support settlements and appoints a right-wing ambassador to Israel. This only proves that he supports the extreme right in Israel. In light of this situation, he will probably propose a solution according to which the Palestinians simply need to come to terms with the occupation, without ever having any autonomy over their land.

What solution should he propose then?

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Anti-Trump protests greet U.S. president in Israel

A slew of protests against Donald Trump and American policy await the U.S. president, who visits Israel as the Palestinian prisoners’ hunger strike reaches its 36th day.

By Yael Marom

Donald Trump’s visit to Israel on Monday is already generating the expected smiles, celebrations and tensions, and disputes between Israeli ministers over who gets to press the flesh with the president of the United States. But there are also some who will be using Trump’s visit to send a message to the controversial president, in support of the Palestinian prisoners currently on hunger strike.

The first protesters to receive Trump will be members of the grassroots group Women Wage Peace, who plan to demonstrate outside the President’s Residence in Jerusalem during the meeting between Trump and Israeli President Reuven Rivlin. The women, who will be calling for a diplomatic solution to the conflict, last week formed a giant human sign in Jaffa spelling out “Ready for peace” — the same message they’ll be relaying to the two presidents on Monday.

On Monday evening, as Trump and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu are meeting in Jerusalem, activists from the left-wing Hadash party will demonstrate outside the U.S. Embassy in Tel Aviv, under the slogan of “Trump go home!”

On an invitation to the protest, organizers wrote: “Trump and U.S. government policy are part of the problem, not the solution. After 50 years of occupation, peace between Israel and the Palestinians will come from the people who live here, and not from the interests of the American superpower — which is the biggest beneficiary of the continuing wars, destruction and repression in the region.”

Knesset members, including Aida Touma-Suleiman and Abdullah Abu Ma’aruf of the Joint List, are also set to join the demonstration.

American supporters of the U.S. Democratic Party are expected to protest shortly after, outside the U.S. Consulate in Jerusalem. According to the organizers, the demonstrators will be seeking to “voice our opposition to the dangerous, right-wing agenda, and the incitement and hatred among our leaders, as well as to voice our support for peace, human rights and equality.” They also intend to “show President Trump that even when he visits Israel, he cannot escape protests against his policies.”

Trump arrives on the 36th day of the mass hunger strike by Palestinian political prisoners. The prisoners’ physical condition is starting to deteriorate, and the Israel Prison Service is reportedly...

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Stop calling it 'Jewish terror'

Let’s stop calling those who have bombed, shot, or burned Palestinians ‘Jewish.’ Let’s call them what they really are: Israeli.

By Yonatan Englender

Israel is a country that is quick to appropriate every phenomenon or activity that takes place within it, from the success of its tech entrepreneurs (in whom the state did not invest even a single shekel) to the successes of its athletes (for whom the state did not provide even the most basic conditions for adequate practice). Even environmental disasters and car crashes are quickly turned into national events.

Therefore, it is a bit strange that we refrain from referring to our homegrown terrorists as “Israeli,” instead referring to them as “Jews.”

The kind of terrorism committed by the likes of Baruch Goldstein, Jack Teitel, or the Jewish Underground — which attempted to blow up the Al-Aqsa Mosque in the 1970s — is always defined as “Jewish terror,” never Israeli. This is true even when the terrorists are IDF soldiers, such as Danny Tickman, who opened fire on Arab-owned shops in Haifa, or David Ben Shimol, who fired a missile at a Palestinian bus, killing one and wounding 10 others. The same goes for the young Israelis (two of them soldiers) who were arrested last month for walking around Be’er Sheva and beating Arabs with clubs, knives, and metal bars.

We label these terrorist acts, committed by people who were raised and educated in Israel, “Jewish terror,” thus creating a buffer between us and them. In our internal cataloguing, we choose to view these as acts that stem from religious fanaticism, somewhere on the ISIS-Hamas spectrum, rather than as a part of normative Israeliness.

The photos published by the media of these terrorists, often showing them in kippot and tzitziot, only supports this kind of classification. Their despicable actions — tossing grenades into a family home, stabbing passersby, burning a teenage boy alive — turn them into monsters, the same kind of convenient image that comes to mind when we think of Palestinian terrorists. Only religion can turn people’s hearts into stone and make them act this way, we think. We tell ourselves that these Jewish terrorists are inspired by their Muslim counterparts, that they are nothing more than a few rotten apples in a healthy society.

We must remember, however, that the identity of these terrorists is not only religious — it is also national. Jewish terror in the United States, France, or Israel contains unique characteristics, as every...

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The one day Jerusalem's Palestinians fear the most

I remember the nightmare of Jerusalem Day as a child in the Muslim Quarter: the right-wingers rampaging through the alleyways, the racist slogans, the police standing by, and my father staying home from work to guard our home.

By Suleiman Maswadeh

Jerusalem Day is approaching, and with it my anxiety. Since I was a young boy, Jerusalem Day, in which Israelis mark what they call the “reunification” of West and East Jerusalem, is a difficult and strange day for me. A day of rage, grief, and lack of security.

In my childhood I witnessed right-wing Israelis violently rampaging through the Old City, and especially in the Muslim Quarter where I lived. These rampaged only intensified over the years, due to the security situation as well as the leniency of the authorities. Those who celebrate Jerusalem Day know full well that these kinds of actions are an outright provocation toward the city’s Muslim inhabitants. This is especially felt in the Muslim Quarter.

Take the day off

The violence usually takes place right under the nose of Israeli security forces. Right-wing extremists provoke us by aggressively banging on our doors and target young Arabs. The reason is simply: they know that the young are easily riled up. And if anyone dare think of responding, we all know who the police will believe. The rampages end with a giant march through Damascus Gate, during which Israelis are accompanied by a large police presence. The truth is they don’t need the police; most of them are armed with automatic rifles, and can eliminate any threat. After all, they already have permission to do so.

50 Years Too Many in-text banner

My parents would forbid me from leaving the house on Jerusalem Day. They told me that the intense heat could give me heat stroke. I do not know how my mother thought that this was going to convince a child like myself; after all, it was clear to me as a young kid that the weather was perfect for, say, a family outing. I know that there was something wrong with their claim, and the Hebrew songs being sung under our home, along with a dramatic increase in traffic in our...

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Palestinians, Israelis and diaspora Jews build West Bank protest camp

Hundreds of activists, organized by a coalition of Palestinian, Israeli and American Jewish groups, built an encampment in Surara, from where Palestinians had been expelled in the 1990s.

By +972 Magazine staff

Around 300 Palestinians, Israelis and diaspora Jewish activists staged a direct action in the village of Sarura in the south Hebron hills of the West Bank on Friday, building a protest camp on land from which Palestinians were evicted in the 1990s. The event was also intended to mark 50 years of occupation.

The event was organized by a coalition of groups, including the Center for Jewish Nonviolence, local Palestinian committees, Youth Against Settlements, the All That’s Left Collective, the Holy Land Trust and Combatants for Peace. Members of IfNotNow also participated in the action. Activists arrived in the morning and continued working through to the afternoon, when several people — including Youth Against Settlements’ Issa Amro — spoke about the purpose and impact of the event.

In a press release, the organizers said that the “Sumud Freedom Camp” would remain in place for a week, during which workshops on nonviolent resistance will be held. The organizers also called on activists “around the world to hold meetings, demonstrations, solidarity actions, discussion groups and prayer groups aimed at ending Israel’s military occupation and oppression of the Palestinian people.”

Sulaiman Khatib of Combatants for Peace called the action “another step in our nonviolent joint struggle for freedom and respect for everyone in this land.”

Activists taking part in the event updated from the ground, tweeting with the hashtag #WeAreSumud (“sumud” means “steadfastness” in Arabic, and is a central concept in Palestinian resistance to the occupation). Participants also noted that the outpost had been inspired by the Standing Rock protest camps in the United States, established to try and prevent the building of an oil pipeline through Native American land.

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