Appreciate this article? +972 depends on your support.

Click here to help us keep going

Analysis News
Visit our Hebrew site, "Local Call" , in partnership with Just Vision.

Palestinians jailed on secret charges based on secret evidence

Instead of presenting evidence, the Israeli army uses administrative measures against Palestinians such as deportation or breaking up families, based on evidence that never sees the light of day, and cannot be refuted, for crimes the public – and the accused – will never know.

By Sari Bashi

You can’t sell Bakr Haffi’s case to the mainstream media, and you can’t win it in the Israeli High Court of Justice. The 38-year-old Palestinian man, a bee keeper by trade, has not seen his wife and two daughters for two years. It all began when he was arrested in his home in Tulkarem in the northern West Bank on suspicion of being a Hamas activist. After a month of interrogation that yielded no results, a military judge ordered his release. But instead of releasing him back to his home and family in Tulkarem, the military removed him to the Gaza Strip, which is listed as his place of residence in the Israeli-administered Palestinian population registry. Israel refuses to recognize relocation from the Gaza Strip to the West Bank, even for people like Bakr, who moved to the West Bank back in 1999 and established a family there.

It has been two years since Bakr was removed from his home. He now relies on his brother in Gaza for financial support and hasn’t seen his wife and daughters, now aged 2 and 3.5, for two years. Bakr’s wife and daughters have become dependent on the charity of welfare officials in the West Bank. The girls no longer know who their father is.

Bakr’s case has exhausted every legal procedure that Israel’s occupation bureaucracy has to offer. He requested legal assistance from Gisha, and we contacted the army on his behalf. We demanded and received a hearing at Erez Crossing, where we noted that his release from detention in 2010 was specifically due to lack of evidence. We mentioned a prior arrest, in 2003, for car theft, for which he was charged and convicted, and he served his sentence. We asked that if there is any evidence against him now, let it be presented, so that we can respond. We emphasized that the army apparently recognized Bakr’s residency in the West Bank, because in 2006, after he was previously removed from the West Bank to the Gaza Strip, he was granted a permit to enter Israel in order to return to the West Bank. The permit was valid for a month. We raised questions about the “risk” posed by a man who received a month-long permit to enter Israel, including overnight stay. When the military issued its final refusal, we submitted a petition to the High Court of Justice.

You can’t win Bakr’s case in the High Court of Justice, and there is no chance of getting public support for him through the mainstream media, because the state’s claim – that he is involved in hostile activity against Israel – is backed by secret information that will tip the scales against him. I know this, even though I am writing these words before the hearing in his case, scheduled for Wednesday, January 4.* The outcome is known, even though we haven’t yet gone through the usual ritual of leaving the courtroom to let the justices speak to ISA representatives in private, and we have yet to return to the courtroom to hear the judges explain that it is not possible to intervene in the security officials’ decision. For reasons of professional ethics, I have refrained from publishing this article before the justices dismiss the petition at the hearing. Let it not be said that I didn’t give the legal process a chance.

In the six years in which Gisha has been providing legal assistance to Palestinians, the High Court justices have yet to deliver a decision that goes against classified material presented by the Internal Security Agency (Shin Bet). Experience shows that information about security risks can be based on statements made by collaborators trying to please their handlers, and people can be accused as security risks based on non-violent political activism, a refusal to serve as a collaborator for the ISA, a relative’s actions against the State of Israel, and even because of the mere fact that a relative was injured or killed by the military, rendering the entire family suspect of wanting to seek revenge.

And yes, it’s safe to assume that in some cases the classified material does contain concrete evidence of violent actions. The law allows the army to present the alleged evidence against Bakr and charge him for any alleged crimes. Yet, as in so many other cases, the army prefers to use administrative measures, such as deporting a person and denying his or her return. These measures are based on evidence that never sees the light of day, and as such, cannot be refuted. Bakr’s punishment: the break-up of his family. Bakr’s crime: we’ll never know.

Unlike most of our clients in the Gaza Strip, we were able to speak with Bakr in person, when he was summoned for a hearing at Erez Crossing. It was the eve of Eid al-Fitr, 2010. At the end of the hearing, he gave Adv. Nomi Heger and Intake Coordinator Shadi Butthish, both from Gisha, three small boxes. Each contained a pair of small, delicate gold earrings, for his wife and daughters – presents for the holiday. Bakr understood that they would have to spend the holiday without him.

Another holiday has passed since then, but this year he wasn’t even able to send gifts.

*Epilogue: On January 4, 2012, the Israeli High Court of Justice heard HCJ 3010/11 Bakr Haffi v. Minister of Defense. After reviewing the classified material, the justices rejected Bakr’s request to return to his family in Tulkarem.

Sari Bashi is the Executive Director of Gisha-Legal Center for Freedom of Movement. A Hebrew version of this post was published in HaOkets on January 4, 2012.

For additional original analysis and breaking news, visit +972 Magazine's Facebook page or follow us on Twitter. Our newsletter features a comprehensive round-up of the week's events. Sign up here.

Before you go...

A lot of work goes into creating articles like the one you just read. And while we don’t do this for the money, even our model of non-profit, independent journalism has bills to pay.

+972 Magazine is owned by our bloggers and journalists, who are driven by passion and dedication to the causes we cover. But we still need to pay for editing, photography, translation, web design and servers, legal services, and more.

As an independent journalism outlet we aren’t beholden to any outside interests. In order to safeguard that independence voice, we are proud to count you, our readers, as our most important supporters. If each of our readers becomes a supporter of our work, +972 Magazine will remain a strong, independent, and sustainable force helping drive the discourse on Israel/Palestine in the right direction.

Support independent journalism in Israel/Palestine Donate to +972 Magazine today
View article: AAA
Share article
Print article
  • LEAVE A COMMENT

    * Required

    COMMENTS

    1. AYLA

      I actually find stories such as this one to be more disturbing than people throwing water at each other in Knesset meetings, as they are far more invisible, common, difficult to overcome, and ultimately more hurtful. Thank you for making Bakr Haffi visible, and for further exposing the unjust criminal system and affronts to so-called democracy.

      Reply to Comment
    2. AbeBird

      What do you expect from the Israeli soldiers? to suicide bomb themselves on Arabs as your people do?

      Reply to Comment
    3. aristeides

      Israeli soldiers need to withdraw from Palestinian territory.

      Reply to Comment
    4. Joel

      Thank you for bringing this to all our attention.

      As the high court’s credibility crumbles, so does the state’s.

      But I have a question, just to satisfy my own curiosity for it: Are these secret charges and evidence used also when Israeli Arab citizens are involved or is this the case only under military jurisdiction?

      Disclaimer: Regardless what the answer to that question is, this is still wrong in every away possible way.

      Reply to Comment
    5. Hi Joel,

      Thanks for your question. No, it is extremely rare for the Israeli authorities to use secret evidence against Arab citizens of Israel, although the possibility does exist within Israeli law. The laws that apply to Palestinians living in the West Bank, on the other hand, are military laws that include provisions for administrative detention (based on secret evidence) or, in the case of Bakr Haffi, removing him from the West Bank based on a refusal to recognize his residence there and a claim (based on secret evidence) that his presence in the West Bank poses a danger to state security.

      Best regards,
      Sari Bashi

      Reply to Comment
    6. Seth Morrison

      Thank you for exposing this horrible behavior. We must continue to educate Jews around the world about how badly the occupation corrupts Israel hand harms Palestinians.

      Reply to Comment
    7. Joel

      Hi Sari,
      Thank you very much for your answer. On the one hand it is good to hear that Israeli Arab citizens are not subject (as often) to such treatment. But on the other hand it makes the double standard all the more despicable when it comes to Palestinians living in the West Bank.

      This legal schizophrenia destructive for everyone.

      Best of luck with your future work,
      Joel

      Reply to Comment