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When a Palestinian girl is shot and killed 'by accident'

Samah Abdullah, 18, was in a car with her family when she was shot in the head by Israeli soldiers, dying three weeks later. The army claims it was an accident.

By Yossi Gurvitz / Yesh Din

Samah Abd Al-Muman Ahmed Abdullah, from the West Bank village of Amoriya, woke up on Monday, November 23rd 2015, as she did on any day. She was an 18-year-old recent high school graduate who had just begun a cosmetics course in Nablus with her younger sister, H. Samah and H. took public transportation to the school. At about 11:00 a.m., Samah spoke with her mother and said she wanted to take H. to a hairdresser. Several hours later, an Israeli soldier fired a bullet that hit Samah in the head, mortally wounding her. After three weeks in intensive care, Samah died in an Israeli hospital.

This all took place during the blood-soaked days of the beginning of the so-called “knife intifada,” when IDF soldiers were killing Palestinians — some involved in attacks, some not — in great numbers. On the day of the incident, an Israeli police officer killed a girl who had carried out a stabbing attack with a pair of scissors, before shooting another girl after she was already “neutralized.” At about the same time, an 18-year-old Israeli was wounded in a stabbing attack near the settlement of Homesh. With the exception of Gideon Levy, the Israeli press did not busy itself with the story of Samah’s death.

Samah’s father, Abed, finished his work in the field at around midday, informing his daughters that he would pick them up from Nablus. The mother, Halleh, and younger brother A. also came along for the ride. After some shopping in the city they started back home. After an hour the family’s car reached Hawara checkpoint. They passed the checkpoint without any other cars ahead of them; soldiers were present, but they did not try and stop the car. Then shots rang out. The front windshield was smashed. After that came the screams.

Abed shouted for the passengers to duck. The car lurched on for a short distance, and then stopped. When Abed looked back, Samah was bleeding from her head. The hospital will later determine that a bullet went through her forehead, having found an exit wound.

A Red Crescent ambulance in the area evacuated Samah to Rafidia Hospital in Nablus. The rest...

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PHOTOS: This is what it looks like when your village is demolished

When the bulldozers turned up in Umm el-Hiran last week, they were accompanied by hundreds of armed Israeli police, who locked down the village as residents were forced to watch their homes being destroyed.

 By Michal Rotem

“It was the first time that the police had acted so violently towards us. We knew the night before that there would be home demolitions, but we didn’t know that such a large number of security forces would arrive so early in the morning. I left the house and saw the whole village filled with armed police officers.”

A resident of Umm el-Hiran, who prefers to remain anonymous, recounts what she saw when hundreds of Israeli police officers accompanied the bulldozers that showed up early Wednesday morning to carry out demolitions. The Bedouin village is slated to be replaced with a Jewish town, Hiran.

“We all stood in the mosque and all the police were armed, they didn’t let us leave,” she continues.

“They came ready for violence, and violence is what they wanted. I felt as if I was in a war and worried for my children who were standing beside me, because of all the weapons around us. I was in shock.”

She documented the demolitions that morning, which took place just hours after Israeli police had shot a Bedouin man driving his car into the village, who then struck and killed an Israeli officer with his vehicle, and bled to death himself shortly after.

The woman took the photographs from her home, documenting the morning’s violent events through the window of her house or from the roof.

The photographs were taken as part of the Yuṣawiruna Project, which the Negev Coexistence Forum has been running in unrecognized Bedouin villages for the last few years. The project involves groups of women in each village documenting their daily lives, including human rights violations. The women study together, learning about human rights and photography.

Michal Rotem works for the Negev Forum for Coexistence and is based in Be’er Sheva. This story first appeared in Hebrew on Local Call, where she is a blogger. Read it here.

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Despite war crimes, Israel insists on selling arms to Myanmar

The heads of Myanmar’s army had a shopping spree with the Israeli security industries, even meeting with the president and the Chief of Staff. Despite ongoing war crimes, Israel continues to maintain extensive security ties with the South East Asian country.

By John Brown* (translated by Tal Haran)

Israeli human rights activists are petitioning the Israeli Supreme Court, demanding it force the Ministry of Defense to explain why it does not put an end to Israel’s trade agreements with Myanmar’s military, following reports of crimes against citizens and ethnic minorities, including possible crimes against humanity.

The petition, filed by Attorney Eitay Mack and a list of human rights activists, specifies a series of crimes committed and still being committed by the regime, including proof thereof, such as evidence of the extensive ties between the heads of the Myanmar military and senior officials in the Israeli government and military, as well as with Israeli security industrial firms.

Ever since Myanmar (also known as Burma) gained its independence from Britain in 1948, a ceaseless civil war has taken place in various regions of the country. In November 2015 Burma held democratic elections, won by Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. However, the government is not in actual control of either the state’s security forces or the private militias, which still do the bidding of the junta that controlled the country until those elections. These persist in their crimes against humanity, war crimes, and serious violations of human rights throughout the country — especially against ethnic minorities, some of which do not even have citizen status.

These forces are still perpetrating war crimes and violating international law in conflict areas, especially those of Shan and Kachin where sweeping acts of killing, arrests, torture and rape are committed against civilians and anyone suspect as supporter of the rebels.

The grounds for petition at this time is the junta forces’ current acts against the Rohingya people. The security forces’ latest operation last October in the Rakhine state led to the torture, disappearing, and murder of civilians. Women and girls are bring raped, and entire villages are going up in flames.

In spite of declarations by the UN, as well as a report published by researchers at Harvard, according to which the junta has been committing crimes against humanity in the Shan and Kachin regions, the Israeli government has continued to provide the regime with arms. According to the report, General Maung Aye, among others, is responsible for...

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What will happen to Eritrean asylum seekers after Israel deports them?

The Israeli government must not withhold information from the public about the dangers faced by Eritrean asylum seekers it is planning to deport.

By Sigal Avivi

Emanuel, an Eritrean asylum seeker whom Israel deported to Uganda half a year ago, agreed to take the risk of being interviewed on camera for one reason: he wanted the Israeli Supreme Court justices to look into his eyes as he told them what happens to asylum seekers who succumb to Israel’s policy of pressuring them to “voluntarily” leave the country.

Emanuel’s desire to do this overcame his fears that should his filmed testimony fall into the wrong hands and he is identified, both he and his relatives in Eritrea would be in grave danger. He was aware that it was too late for his testimony to help him. However, he hoped that we would succeed in bringing his testimony before the justices, who were considering an appeal against the policy of deporting asylum seekers by force that the Israeli government is preparing to adopt.

Emanuel’s hopes have yet to be fulfilled and, to the best of our knowledge, the Supreme Court justices have no idea what is happening in Eritrea or what the implications of deporting Eritrean asylum seekers are.

Now, five justices will now decide on the fate of the Interior Ministry’s plans to force asylum seekers from Eritrea to choose one of three heinous options: imprisonment in Israel for an unlimited time; returning to Eritrea; or leaving Israel for one of the “third countries.”

Crimes against humanity

Crimes against humanity have been perpetrated in Eritrea for decades, but until recently have attracted very little attention around the globe. This began to change over the last few years, above all with the UN’s establishment of a special committee to investigate human rights violations in Eritrea. Reports published by the committee, along with those from various international organizations and states, have revealed the severity of the situation.

The reports confirm widespread human rights violations in Eritrea such as murder, disappearance, torture, rape, mass and arbitrary imprisonment, forced labor, forced indefinite conscription, lawlessness, the reign of terror and the persecution of anyone who dares oppose the regime. The UN committee also formulated recommendations for states that provide asylum and suggested bringing Eritrea’s ruler, Isaias Afwerki, to trial for crimes against humanity.

Accordingly, Eritrea is considered a dangerous state that persecutes its citizens; therefore, those who have managed to escape...

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Education Ministry still blaming Arab citizens for 'arson intifada'

By now it is clear to all that the fires that erupted in Israel late last year were not the result of nationalistic arson. So why does the Education Ministry claim otherwise?

By John Brown*

This past November, Israel’s Education Ministry published a booklet on the fires that erupted in Israel late last year. The booklet, issue 143 of the Al Seder Hayom (Hebrew for “The Daily Agenda”) magazine, claimed that the fires “began as a result of negligence, and spread to many areas as a result of nationalistically-motivated arson […] the deliberate arsons once again raise issues surrounding the maintaining the delicate relations between Jews and Arabs in the country.” The argument that the arson was nationalistically-motivated, however, are not backed up by facts.

Al Seder Hayom deals with issues that are making headlines in Israeli society, as well as topics that the Education Ministry is interested in emphasizing. On paper, the booklets provide a factual basis for discussions between teachers and students in the classroom. The content of this specific issue was first published in by Haaretz‘s Or Kashti in his article on how the Education Ministry is teaching the case of Elor Azaria.

Last week, Israeli police released the last person suspected of arson, after it turned out he had set fire to a pile of trash. The police arrested 60 people suspected of arson, yet each and every one of them were cleared of any suspicion. In November, Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan stated that: “The police have detained 23 people suspected of arson, most of them are connected in to arson in one way or another.” Erdan added that the suspects should have their homes demolished, yet in reality was deceiving the public. Interior Minister Aryeh Deri said the arsonists should have their citizenship revoked. Netanyahu added that every act of arson or incitement to arson was an act of terror.

Proof that the suspects were involved in nationalistically-motivated was nowhere to be found. But what about the claims of arson in general? The Ma’ariv daily published what it claimed was a report by the Israel Fire and Rescue Services, according to which the vast majority of the fires were the result of arson. In a series of posts published on his Facebook page, Haaretz journalist Nir Hasson revealed that the report was based on a presentation whose facts were not published at the behest of Erdan. The...

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Israeli police have a taser problem

Out of over 180 complaints filed over taser use by police between 2014-2016, only 12 cases were actually investigated. Not a single officer was indicted.

By Sapir Sluzker-Amran

Yosef Salamsa was supposed to celebrate his 25th birthday last month. His tragic death, which took place several months after Israeli police tasseled him without any justification, did not lead to justice. The complaint filed with the Israel Police Investigation Unit was closed, as were dozens of other complaints over taser use, according to statistics [Hebrew] handed over by the Justice Ministry to the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI).

In fact, these statistics raise suspicions of severe deficiencies in the Police Investigation Unit, as well as helplessness when it comes to taking the use of tasers seriously. Out of 186 complaints filed over taser use between 2014-2016, only 12 cases were investigated. Not a single indictment was filed. In the majority of cases — nearly 90 percent — the cases were closed without investigation.

Yosef Salamsa, a young Ethiopian-Israeli, was cruelly electrocuted by the police in 2014. According to reports, Salamsa can be heard telling police “have mercy on me, my heart cannot take it,” after he was tasered a number of times, without warning or justification. Testimonies show that Salamsa was bruised, cuffed, and vomiting when he arrived at the police station. This is how his family found him outside the Binyamina police station, before he was given medical treatment. According to the police, Salamsa was given a warning before being based, and was kept outside the police station according to procedures.

Fewer tasers, more oversight

Following the violent arrest, Salamsa filed a complain with the Police Investigation Unit. His family claims that police officers retaliated by coming to their home and threatening to make their life hell. After a number of months, Salamsa’s body was found at a quarry adjacent to Binyamina. The Police Investigation Unit decided to close the case against the officers without any disciplinary action. This despite the testimonies that cast a dark shadow on the police’s conduct, and the suspicion that the police reports that were filed in the wake of the tasing “do not reflect the truth.”

Back in 2014 the state comptroller report pointed out the severe shortcomings in using tasers. Among other things, the comptroller recommended that the police take steps to ensure safe, supervised usage of tasers. Two years...

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Dear Trump administration: Don't mess with Jerusalem

Moving the U.S. Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem could ignite a spark that would set the entire region aflame. It’s just not worth it.

By James J. Zogby

In just a matter of days, President-elect Donald Trump will have to decide on whether or not to make good on his promise to move the U.S. embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. As we approach Inauguration Day, liberal and conservative commentators alike have offered a number of ideas as to how he can proceed. Ranging from “too cute by half” to just plain dumb, they should all be rejected. More to the point, all of the proposals I have seen focus exclusively on Israeli concerns, ignoring or giving short shrift to Palestinian and broader Arab or Muslim concerns and sensitivities.

On the one side, there are proposals from hardliners who advise Trump to just go ahead and make the move. They argue that in fulfilling his campaign promise he will appease his base and gain international respect for being a strong and decisive leader. They dismiss Palestinian, Arab, and Muslim opinions, relying on the false assumptions that there is diminished concern across the Arab world for the Palestinian issue or making the racist case that Arabs respect strength and will ultimately become reconciled to a U.S. move.

Then there are a number of “clever” proposals that assume that the move can be finessed in ways that will, in effect, fool both Israelis and Palestinians. One has the new U.S. ambassador living and working in Jerusalem, while keeping the “official” U.S. Embassy in Tel Aviv. Another suggests that the U.S. can couple moving its embassy to Jerusalem with opening a liaison office in Ramallah, while promising to study opening a embassy for a future Palestinian state in East Jerusalem.

No one should be fooled — none of these proposals will work. Those who think that Arabs and Muslims will simply bow down before a Trumpian display of decisive strength are playing with fire. It is true that the region is divided and distracted by the unraveling consequences of the Arab Spring, but messing with Jerusalem would be the catalyst for a focused and unified Arab and Muslim response. There would be massive unrest across the region and demands for a response. Should governments fail to act, it would be provide revolutionary Iran and extremist Sunni groups the opening they want...

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German bank fights BDS while financing dispossession

Germany’s Bank for Social Economy shut down an account belonging to a Jewish peace group, accusing it of anti-Semitism. Meanwhile, it continues to handle an account belonging to the Jewish National Fund — which actively supports dispossession of Bedouin.

By John Brown*

In the beginning of December, +972’s Haggai Matar revealed that Germany’s Bank für Sozialwirtschaft (Bank for Social Economy) had closed an account belonging to Jewish Voice for a Just Peace in the Middle East, a German-based peace group. According to the bank, the organization was part of a campaign that undermined Israel’s existence.

The bank’s claims, however, are inaccurate. In response to the bank’s decision to shut down their its account, Jewish Voice for Just Peace emphasized that the organization does not oppose Israel’s existence, and that its support for BDS is part of a “nonviolent campaign for human rights, and that we support actions directed at companies that directly profit from the occupation, and that even our platform includes support for two states.”

These inaccuracies become even more glaring when taking into account the hypocrisy of German bankers who, on the one hand, condemn racism, while handling the account of the Jewish National Fund in Germany.

The JNF’s activities are too long to list here, so here is just a small taste: the organization is currently providing temporary infrastructure to a small group of religious Israeli Jews who are slated to move to the future town of Hiran. Hiran will be built on the ruins of the Bedouin village of Umm al-Hiran in the Negev, which is currently fighting impending demolition.

The JNF is also responsible for helping plant a forest in the Negev in partnership with fundamentalist Christian organization, God TV, on land belonging to the Bedouin village Al-Araqib, which has been demolished 108 times. God TV’s goal is to plant one million trees in Israel in order to hasten the Second Coming. The JNF is also involved in establishing and funding settlements in the West Bank.

So why is a German bank willing to allow the funding of Jewish-only settlements built in occupied territory, especially after the UN Security Council established that do so is illegal?

It is unclear whether the banks offering services to the Jewish National Fund understand the significance of the organization’s activities. In any case, Bank für Sozialwirtschaft should take a hard look at the facts before it accuses...

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Trump's wall would be a moral and practical failure — just like Israel's

Donald Trump’s proposal to build a wall on the U.S.-Mexico border was a cornerstone of his presidential campaign. But Israel’s separation wall is a lesson in why such a project is dangerous, ineffective — and morally wrong.

By Abby C. Wheatley and Oren Kroll-Zeldin

Throughout his campaign, President-elect Donald Trump made constant reference to the 50-foot tall concrete wall he plans to build on the entire length of the U.S.-Mexico border. Trump’s plan is divisive, further polarizing an already fractured American public. And yet there seems to be little public awareness that nearly 700 miles of fencing already exists, or that thousands of migrants have died attempting to cross the border, a well-documented consequence of border security.

The current border fence creates deadly conditions for people in transit while further dividing border communities that have long coexisted. But Trump’s public presence and demagogic rhetoric distracts from these realities, and ignores well-documented historical evidence that no border can be fully secured with a wall.

Trump’s wall is poorly conceived and doomed to fail not only because it would be nearly impossible (and inordinately expensive) to build, but also because a wall does not prevent migration or address the social, political, and economic conditions that drive it. Moreover, building a wall would actually fortify underground economies and fuel illicit cross-border traffic. Legally restricting the mobility of people does not stop cross-border movement; it pushes it underground, exacerbating conditions of insecurity and violence in these regions.

A comparison of the separation wall in Israel-Palestine and the U.S.-Mexico border provides ample evidence of this reality. The U.S.-Mexico border fence has not stopped undocumented migration just as Israel’s separation wall has not prevented Palestinians from entering Israel. In both cases, however, the construction of a barrier has amplified tensions and violence. As the U.S. government considers building an enhanced and more restrictive border wall, we should work to avoid the pitfalls of the separation wall.

As anthropologists and activist-researchers, we have witnessed the impacts of “securing” the border through our ethnographic research on the U.S.-Mexico and Israel-Palestine borderlands. Our experiences have led us to conclude that an impermeable border—one that is difficult to cross through legal or regulated means—is a dangerous and violent border. A permeable border can save lives, improve cross-border relations, and reduce violence in volatile border regions.

U.S.­–Mexico border wall

The guiding principle of U.S. border security transformed in 1994 as policy aimed...

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The dangerous new myth of 'Palestinian defeat'

The idea that Israel must ‘defeat’ the Palestinians by demoralizing them until they accept whatever solution is forced upon them is gaining traction on the Right.

By Nathan Hersh and Abe Silberstein

The idea that instead of negotiating with the Palestinians Israel must first “defeat” and thoroughly demoralize them until they recognize its permanent presence in the region, has emerged from center-right policy circles in recent months. This broad idea takes many shapes, the most of extreme of which is articulated in Daniel Pipes’ front page essay in Commentary Magazine, and will presumably have some appeal to the incoming Trump administration. But if President-elect Trump is serious about sealing “the ultimate deal,” a Palestinian-Israeli peace accord, he will reject this line of thinking. Even in its most moderate dressing, it makes little sense. 

In an article for Haaretz, Einat Wilf, a former centrist Israeli politician and fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, offered a conflict resolution strategy along these lines that, paradoxically, amounts to conflict perpetuation. In Wilf’s words, Israel’s strategy should be to compel the Palestinians to “surrender and acknowledge that they aren’t going to get the whole of Palestine.” 

On this matter, we come as the bearers of good news: Not only did the P.L.O recognize Israel in 1993, it has also not tried to “get the whole of Palestine” in any of the negotiations that have taken place since. Indeed, in their much-condemned “unilateral moves,” the P.L.O. leadership has sought no more than the territorial compromise that underpins the two-state solution — a return to pre-1967 borders, with the possibility of mutual land swaps. The recently-passed United Nations Security Council Resolution 2334, which was voted through 14-0 with the U.S. abstaining, also condemned terrorism against Israel, and is based on the two-state solution as well. 

Still, there is cause for concern. The recent postponement of municipal elections in the Palestinian territories, for example, should worry all supporters of the two-state solution who want to see strong Palestinian institutions. But the “defeat them” paradigm is wholly inappropriate for anyone seeking a resolution to the conflict.

For one thing, how will Israel “defeat” the Palestinians? It’s clear enough what advocates believe defeat would entail: Palestinian recognition of Israel, a milestone reached over 20 years ago, and the forgoing of...

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Paris is a long way from Gaza

The Paris Peace Conference will focus on Israeli settlements in the West Bank. That is because with greater and greater restrictions on movement, and by unraveling the ties that bind Palestinian society, Israel has effectively removed Gaza from the conversation. That is a terrible mistake.

By Tania Hary

This Sunday, senior diplomats and foreign ministers from 70 countries are expected to convene in Paris along with Palestinian officials to talk peace. According to reports, they’re expected to call on the parties to refrain from taking “unilateral steps that prejudge the outcome of final-status negotiations,” code for Israel to please refrain from building more settlements.

There aren’t any Israeli settlements left in Gaza, but for upwards of ten years now Israel has been taking one major unilateral step that pushes a sustainable solution to the conflict further and further away: the Strip’s painful isolation from the West Bank, and the world.

Ties connecting Palestinian society — academia, families, cultural institutions, civil society organizations, businesses and markets — are largely influenced by Israel’s policy on movement between Gaza and the West Bank. At least since the year 2000, and even more stringently since 2007, travel between the two areas of the Palestinian territory has ground to a minimum, a “humanitarian minimum” as Israel calls it. Humanitarian is nice, but it’s not the stuff of state-building.

Gaza’s isolation from the rest of the world, and particularly the West Bank, has resulted in dramatic increases in unemployment, poverty, dependence on aid, and of course instability.

What’s striking is that it has gone mostly unnoticed and is rarely discussed other than in the short periods during and immediately after each of the three major military operations that have occurred there in the past eight years. Even more noteworthy is that senior Israeli security officials often cite the situation in Gaza as running counter to Israel’s security interests.

But while most of the world, and those that will gather in Paris surely, continue focusing on the most glaring and physical incarnation of occupation — the settlements in the West Bank — the fragmentation of the Palestinian territory can’t be ignored. Neither too should the presence of Hamas nor of any action taken by any party to deliberately harm civilians. But the seemingly invisible and indiscernible reality of two million Palestinians...

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It didn't have to be this way in East Jerusalem's Silwan

The neighborhood of Batan al-Hawa is today the site of major friction and tensions between Palestinian residents, Jewish settlers and the massive security presence that accompanies them. But things weren’t always like this, and they don’t have to be.

By Hussam Abed

Try and imagine this: Jews move into a Palestinian village and are welcomed with open arms. They become part of the local economy, share in joyous occasions and sad ones, and together with their neighbors form a unique, rich human tapestry. The tensions are the same you’d find in any society: they are not shaped along the rigid lines of ethnic, national or religious identity.

Now return to the reality I see daily as a B’Tselem field researcher in the neighborhood of Batan al-Hawa, where the largest expulsion effort from East Jerusalem in our time is underway. The settlers encroaching on this neighborhood, which Israel annexed in 1967, come not as neighbors but as occupiers. The foothold they have taken in Batan al-Hawa in recent years is based on a legal battle in which they claim ownership of Palestinian homes that were in Jewish hands before 1948.

This is violent dispossession rooted in discriminatory legislation: Palestinian families are being thrown out of their homes, which are then taken over for the purpose of “Judaizing” the neighborhood. A right of return of sorts — one of the many privileges that the State of Israel bestows on Jews only. Several Palestinian families in Batan al-Hawa have already been evicted in this way, and eviction claims are pending against 81 more. The claims were filed by settler organization Ateret Cohanim, a key player in this dispossession process, which has the support and cooperation of government ministries and of the Jerusalem Municipality.

The families who have lost their homes and those who face a similar threat are not the only ones to suffer: when settlers insert themselves as occupiers into the heart of a Palestinian community, the entire neighborhood is subjected to human rights violations. In Batan al-Hawa, as in Hebron, the settlers have brought with them police, Border Police, and many private security guards. These state and private forces employ violence against the Palestinian residents, using live fire and crowd control measures in this densely-populated neighborhood and regularly threatening and provoking residents.

This ever-present tension and violence has deeply affected community life, and simple things once taken for granted...

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Israeli army jails two conscientious objectors for fourth time

By the time their latest sentence comes to an end, Tamar Ze’evi, 19, and Tamar Alon, 18, will have spent a total of 74 days in jail for refusing to serve in the Israeli army.

By Yael Marom

The Israeli army on Monday sent two conscientious objectors to jail for the fourth time, just five days after they had finished serving their third stint in prison. Presenting themselves at the Tel Hashomer military induction base, Tamar Ze’evi, 19, and Tamar Alon, 18, declared their refusal to join the army and take part in the occupation, for which they were sentenced to 30 days’ detention. The army also decided to separate the two women, sending them to different prisons. By the end of this latest period in jail, they will have spent a total of 74 days behind bars for refusing to serve in the army.

Standing at the entrance to the induction center, the women said: “The choice to refuse army service is one of the stepping stones to turning life in this homeland into one of peace, freedom and fellowship. In our refusal to take part in a system of oppression, we are in solidarity with everyone who is being denied the freedom of choice.”

Alon’s mother, Moria Shlomot, on Tuesday posted to Facebook: “Scared of an alliance of two brave women? Yesterday evening the two Tamars were again sentenced, receiving a 30-day jail term for their refusal to take part in the occupation.

“When they arrived at Prison Six they were told that this time round they were being separated, and that Tamar Alon, my beloved daughter, was being sent back to be arrested at the induction base before being transferred to Prison Four,” the post continued.

“At night, during the telephone conversations they were allowed to make to their parents, the two said that despite the difficulties their spirits were holding strong!”

Corinne Ze’evi, Tamar Ze’evi’s mother, said on Tuesday that “Tamar’s actions again give me the hope and desire to act, before despair.”      

Alon and Ze’evi both requested that they perform civilian national service instead of military service. In her original declaration of her refusal to serve, Ze’evi, a resident of Jerusalem, wrote: “Out of love for this land and the human beings who live in...

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