To solve the Zionism debate, create one state

After years of wrestling with Zionism, Gemma Oldman realized that whether liberal or extremist, Zionism is an exclusionary ideology. The challenge of our time is to advance a shared space solution.

By Gemma Oldman

I would like to respond to Abir Kopty’s response to Larry Derfner’s response to Joseph Dana’s response to Bernard Avishai’s piece in Harper’s (for full disclosure I will say that Bernie is my mother’s first cousin).

It has taken me quite a few years to reach this understanding, but Zionism, liberal or extremist, is an exclusionary ideology with strong historical as well as current colonial characteristics. Thus I also accept the fact that Palestinians often find it much easier to discuss and respect right-wing, perhaps extremist Zionists, than the Zionist left, such as Meretz supporters, who continually attempt to have their cake and eat it too.

Modern Zionism, post-Biltmore conference and post-Holocaust Zionism, was, is and probably will continue to be exclusionary. It is deeply threatened by a real or perceived shift in demographic trends, constantly upholding the holy crusade to Judaicize the state, romantically fascinated and conveniently forgetful of the fact that post-1948 Israel was not on the moral high ground in which so many believe – all the while forgetting a brutal and purposefully destructive military rule of the Palestinians who remained in Israel after the war.

The main problem as I see it is how to convince the Jews of the possibility of an honest and brave resolution of the conflict, with full reconciliation, acceptance, protection and the promise of “eternal” safety and security, along with a culturally thriving existence in the region? How do Palestinians, taking into account Jewish national – and possibly genetic – anxiety, if not post-traumatic stress disorder, pitch the following deal:

If Jews forgo the exclusionary ideology, racist laws and use of power institutions to fortify Jewish control of resources on both sides of the green line and discrimination against Arabs, they will receive an inalienable, though not exclusive, right to all the land of Eretz Israel – Palestine. They will enjoy freedom of movement, undisturbed access to all holy sites, a guaranteed safe existence and cultural autonomy.

I believe this is the challenge of our time. This is a shared space solution. Thoughts about this solution are gaining ground on both sides of the conflict. Israeli organizations that were long-standing supporters of the two-state solution as a central pillar of their activity are examining alternatives. Palestinians in Ramallah are meeting and discussing this possibility as well.

There are many issues that have to be examined. A key question is how to move from two to one state/space when the Palestinians have never experience any kind of independence. Entering negotiations with Israel when the latter is a well-established and powerful country, while the other is a national authority, poses serious challenges. Not to mention the challenge of creating a single space when one of the partners has a GDP per capita of nearly $30,000 and the other only around $2000. There are many other challenges.

The important thing is to start discussing this seriously. Young and innovative forces – connected, networked and  part of the local, regional and global change happening all over the world – are thinking about this. It is our responsibility, it is our calling. It is our time.

Gemma Oldman (a pseudonym) is a long standing peace and social activist who has long undressed herself of long-established perceptions, and now dances naked with her sisters and brothers around the region and the world, driving and welcoming the winds of change. Vive la revolucion.

Related posts on +972:
American Jews shocked as essence of Zionism is exposed
How is Zionism different from other forms of nationalism?
Can one be a liberal and a Zionist without being a liberal Zionist?
The Zionism debate: When colonialism is embedded in liberalism
Response to Joseph Dana: A case for liberal Zionism
A sad commentary on the state of liberal Zionist discourse
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