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A creative Palestinian answer to Israeli checkpoints

The Israeli army has placed barricades at the entrances to Palestinian villages and towns in recent weeks. One crane operator figured out a way to help out stranded motorists.

The Israel army has been utilizing collective punishment against entire Palestinian cities and villages in recent months as a response to a wave of attacks against Israeli civilians and soldiers.

One of the most common tactics, in addition to demolishing attackers’ families’ homes, is to seal off entire villages for a few days or longer after an attack.

Hundreds of thousands of Palestinians have been at various times over the past few weeks unable to leave their villages, towns and cities for work, school, travel, family visits, medical care.

Of course, as American industrialist Henry Kaiser once said, “problems are only opportunities in work clothes.” If you happen to have access to industrial equipment, that is.

One truck-mounted crane operator decided to help out stranded motorists by lifting cars over the Israeli military barrier blocking the entrance to a southern West Bank town in the Hebron area. (It’s not clear which.)

According to several news outlets, the crane operator was charging NIS 30 to move a car from one side of the barrier to the other. +972 could not immediately verify that detail, however.

The photo above was posted by a Facebook page called City of Hebron, which appears to be run by Radio Shabab.

To learn more about Israel’s use of collective punishment in recent months, read Amjad Iraqi’s analysis of the practice, which he describes as a national addiction.

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New Israeli law seeks to expel ‘misbehaved’ Arab parliamentarians

Plenty of democratic countries have mechanisms for de-seating elected representatives, but those countries don’t have rich histories of trying to ban politicians of one ethnic group. And their laws weren’t designed to target specific unpopular politicians.

On the face of it, there is nothing wrong with the “Expulsion Law” passed by Israel’s Knesset early Wednesday morning. Lots of other parliaments have mechanisms for expelling elected representatives. In the U.S. Congress, all you need is a two-thirds majority vote determining that a member is guilty of “disorderly behavior.”

What is wrong with Israel’s new law is that it targets one particular parliamentarian and her party — who just happen to be elected representatives of Israel’s Palestinian citizens.

According to the new law, 70 (out of 120 members of Knesset, including 10 from the opposition) may ask a parliamentary committee to determine whether a specific member of parliament has incited to racism, or supported an armed struggle, terrorist organization or enemy against the State of Israel. The law does not define what “support” means. After the committee makes its decision, 90 MKs can then vote to expel the offending member.

Supporting a terrorist organization, supporting an armed struggle against the state, supporting the state’s enemies, and incitement to racism are all already criminal offenses under Israeli law. Furthermore, under existing Israeli law, an elected member of Knesset already loses their position if they are convicted of such a crime. So why the new law?

Under the new “Expulsion Law” a member of Knesset does not need to be convicted in a criminal court to be expelled. The high bar set by criminal law, proving guilt beyond a reasonable doubt, does not exist when a member of Knesset is “tried” by other politicians in a Knesset committee. Such committees can rule however they choose, and often do so along partisan, political, and in this case, ethnic and religious lines.

No burden of proof exists because nothing needs to be proved — just decided. Or in even clearer terms, the new law turns the most serious question of whether an elected representative of the people can be expelled from their position into an act of partisan, political showmanship.

The law’s proponents argue that the high bar it sets (90 MKs must vote to expel another member of Knesset) means that it is almost un-usable.

History teaches us otherwise.

The “Expulsion Law” was written specifically to target and remove from office MK Haneen Zoabi and her entire Balad Party (an...

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PHOTOS: Palestinians of Susya return to village they were expelled from

North American and European activists from the Center for Jewish Non-Violence accompany the Palestinian residents of Susya to the site of their former village, from which they were expelled three decades ago.

A group of American and European Jews on Thursday accompanied Palestinian residents of Susya to the former site of their village, from which they were expelled 30 years ago and which today is an Israeli-administered archeological park.

Many of the 80 Palestinian residents of Susya who took the trip on Thursday had never been back to the site of their former village, where much of the older generation was born and raised. Some of the younger boys and girls had never seen the caves in which their parents grew up, despite living only a few hundred meters away.

Once at the site, after exploring some of the caves in which their families once lived, the two groups gathered outside the ancient synagogue at the site. Addressing both the foreign Jewish activists, from the Center for Jewish Non-Violence, and their own children and grandchildren, elder Palestinians from Susya began telling their stories — the stories of their lives and births, of who lived in which cave and which home, and the story of their dispossession.

To the surprise of most, not a single police officer or soldier arrived to stop the group from entering and touring the site. The Jewish activists had purchased tickets in advance for both the Palestinians and themselves, but did not tell the park administrators that Palestinians would be a part of the group.

Two park employees eventually followed the group around but did little more than count the number of visitors. When asked by +972 whether other groups of Palestinians had ever been allowed inside the site before, one employee responded with only: “I’m new here.”

+972 plans to bring you more on this tour and other direct actions in Palestine by the Center for Jewish Non-Violence in the coming days and weeks.

The Israeli army first demolished the village of Khirbet Susya, deep in the desolate south Hebron Hills, three decades ago, on the grounds that it was located on a biblical site. Susya’s Palestinian residents, many of whom lived in caves on the site for generations, packed up and moved a few hundred meters away, onto adjacent agricultural land they own.

The IDF, which as the occupying power controls nearly every aspect of Palestinians’...

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Gaza farmers demand IDF compensation for herbicide spraying

The Israeli army sprayed herbicides in the Gaza Strip late last year, causing damage to hundreds of acres of Palestinian farmland. Now the farmers want an investigation — and compensation. 

A number of Palestinian farmers are demanding compensation from the State of Israel for damage their crops and land sustained as a result of the IDF aerially spraying herbicides inside the Gaza Strip last year, a practice first confirmed by +972 Magazine.

In late December, the IDF confirmed to +972 that it used crop-dusters to kill off vegetation — and perhaps inadvertently, agricultural crops — inside the Gaza Strip. No other Israeli media outlet had reported on the practice at the time.

“The aerial spraying of herbicides and germination inhibitors was conducted in the area along the border fence in order to enable optimal and continuous security operations,” a military spokesperson said in December.

According to Palestinian officials, over 420 acres of land were damaged by that round of spraying.

In a letter to Israeli military officials on behalf of Ibrahim Abu Ta’aymeh, a spinach farmer from Khan Younis, three Israeli and Palestinian human rights groups detailed NIS 11,400 (nearly $3,000) in damages.

The rights groups, Adalah – The Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel, Gisha – Legal Center for Freedom of Movement, and Al Mezan Center for Human Rights, are demanding an investigation and monetary compensation on behalf of Abu Ta’aymeh.

A letter like the one sent by the legal organizations, is the first step if one plans to file a more formal lawsuit.

Abu Ta’aymeh’s spinach crops, on plot of land adjacent to the border that he has been farming for 12 years, is his family’s sole source income. His crops were reportedly damaged two months prior to the incident reported by +972, in October 2015.

“The Israeli military’s aerial spraying of herbicides constitutes a violation of both Israeli constitutional and administrative law, as well as of international humanitarian and human rights laws,” Adalah said in a statement Monday, citing international legal obligations to protect civilian and humanitarian interests, and to respect the right of civilians to food.

The three human rights groups have also sent Israeli authorities letters of complaint on behalf of seven additional Gaza farmers and landowners who also suffered damage from IDF spraying of herbicides.

The IDF has for years imposed a lethal no-go buffer zone along the...

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Why Egypt's FM came to Israel, and why you shouldn't get too excited

Recent interest — by all sides — in reviving the Arab Peace Initiative presents a new window of opportunity. But let’s not get too far ahead of ourselves as long as Benjamin Netanyahu is in charge.

Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry came to Israel on Sunday to meet with Benjamin Netanyahu about the Palestinian peace process, the first such visit in nearly 10 years.

Egypt, which until the 2011 revolution was a regular partner in American-led peace efforts, appears to be making a move to reassert its leadership in the region, and perhaps take advantage of a temporary vacuum of American leadership all but guaranteed by the upcoming presidential elections.

Recent months have seen a reinvigorated interest in the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative (API) — the Arab League’s offer to Israel of normalized relations if Israel simply adopts the widely accepted parameters of a two-state solution (and withdraws from the Golan Heights).

And while Netanyahu and company have long sought to flip the API on its head, by normalizing ties with Arab states prior to making peace with the Palestinians, an approach the Arab world has flatly rejected, it is still very noteworthy that the Israeli prime minister has nonetheless been discussing the Saudi-led framework with increasing frequency. Early this summer, the Quartet (the U.S., EU, UN and Russia) all but endorsed the API as the best path for revisiting peacemaking efforts.

So what is happening in Jerusalem and Cairo? As the only Arab heavyweight to have diplomatic ties with Israel, Egypt is the only regional power positioned to reach out and hear exactly how far Israel is actually willing to go. That could indicate a post-Paris concerted effort to try and create some momentum around the API, or it could just be another Egyptian effort to reassert its regional leadership after half a decade of instability and debilitating regime changes.

The other factor is that Israel long hoped the mutual threat of an Iranian nuclear program would create opportunities for an alliance with Arab states in a way that allowed it to side-stepped the Palestinian issue. With the Iranian nuclear threat all but neutralized, it could be that Netanyahu is beginning to re-examine his calculus of Israeli interests and his strategy for finding a place for Israel in the region.

The API banked on the idea that the Arab offer of acceptance in the Middle East...

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Telling the stories of Gaza's 'obliterated families'

A new project uses heartbreaking photos, text and video to tell the stories of the Palestinian families who lost more than three members in the 2014 Gaza war, the stories of their lives, their deaths and the survival of those left behind.

There is no shortage of numbers and statistics that are cited in telling, reporting on and remembering periods of war and violence. Often times certain wars come to be represented by numbers. The number of killed, wounded displaced. The number of homes damaged or destroyed. The number of days that the bombs fell, the number of days since they stopped.

It goes without saying that people are not numbers. One innovative and touching writing project in the Gaza Strip, We Are Not Numbers, aims to take those numbers, the way that so much of the world views far-off conflict, and recapture the human narratives they represent.

But photojournalists Anne Paq and Ala Qandil were haunted by one specific number about the 2014 Gaza war. One hundred and forty-two. The 142 families that lost three or more members. Obliterated families.

Paq, who as a member of the Activestills photography collective helped cover the 2014 war for +972 Magazine, met some of the families and their survivors before and during the war. In return visits over the past two years, she has met with 50 such families. Together with Qandil and other Palestinian journalists, the pair launched a multimedia web project on Friday, using photos, in-depth text, animations, infographics, short videos, and design elements to tell their stories.

(View the project at

The Kilani family of Beit Lahiya lost 11 members on July 21, 2014. Ibrahim al-Kilani, an architect who lived in Germany for 20 years before moving back to Gaza, was killed along with his wife and five children in the bombing of the Salam residential tower in Gaza City. They had sought shelter there after being told by the Israeli military to leave their own home.

Ibrahim and all five children were German nationals. He is survived by two children from an earlier marriage who still live in Berlin.

The area of the online project dedicated to the Kilani family powerfully combines photographs, video and text to tell the story of Ibrahim and his family, from tales of childhood games hiding in orchards from Israeli warplanes in the 1960s,...

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Israelis don't get to hold a referendum on Palestine

A recent poll found that if there were a Brexit-style referendum over whether to maintain Israeli control over the West Bank, most Israelis would choose ‘remain.’ But is that up to Israelis to decide?

If there were a referendum in Israel about whether to “leave” the West Bank — while holding onto most of the settlements — only 41 percent of Israelis would vote “leave.” If you narrow that down to Israel’s Jewish citizens, a mere 36 percent would vote “leave,” according to June’s Peace Index poll, published by the Israel Democracy Institute earlier this week.

And who would have a say in such a referendum? Well, the “Peace Index” pollsters only asked Jewish Israelis that question. Just over 50 percent of them said all Israeli citizens should get a vote, 44 percent said only Jews should have a say.

The framing of the question and those allowed to answer it — of whether or not the Israeli army should continue occupying 2.5 million Palestinians — along religious lines is an apt metaphor for the power dynamics at play in the conflict.

The Palestinians aren’t given any agency in their own future. And that’s true not only of the Palestinians living under Israel’s military regime in the West Bank; the idea of disenfranchising Palestinian citizens of Israel is also presented as an entirely legitimate idea.

The pollsters reveal through the phrasing of the question that it is inspired by the Brexit vote in the United Kingdom last month. In that poll, UK citizens were asked whether they want to leave the EU. Let me repeat that, the citizens of the UK were asked to decide their own fate.

Similarly, Scotland held a referendum a year and a half earlier on whether to secede from the United Kingdom. In that vote, Scottish citizens — and Scottish citizens alone — were allowed to decide the fate of their country: who their rulers would be, what their constitution would look like, and under what flag they should live. Citizens of England, Wales and Northern Ireland had no say in the matter.

Palestinians, on the other hand, do not have the luxury of deciding their own fate in a referendum.

Another, perhaps more troubling question asked by the “Peace Index” pollsters, was about the participants’ preferred outcome of Israel’s control over the West Bank. Almost 55 percent of the Jewish respondents chose a situation that...

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How Israel is turning anti-occupation activists into dissidents

Israel is seeing a worrying resurgence of attempts to curtail and suppress dissent, particularly among anti-occupation and human rights activists. That process does not take place in a vacuum.

[Updated July 12, 2016]

Israel’s parliament passed the so-called “NGO Law” Monday night, a piece of legislation meant to stigmatize left-wing and human rights organizations in Israel as agents of foreign powers.

The law singles out non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that receive the majority of their funding from foreign state entities (friendly European governments), and compels them to prominently declare their foreign funding in any publication or public engagement such as media appearances or events.

The law is not intended to create more transparency; Israel already has very strict transparency laws and regulations. Furthermore, the vast majority of the organizations in question already list their sources of funding on their own websites and report the information to the government, which also makes it available online.

The intended effect of the NGO Law is to send a dangerous and stifling message to the Israeli public. The message it sends is that the values espoused and advanced by these organizations — like B’Tselem, Breaking the Silence, and others — do not exist organically in Israel; lawmakers are saying that the values of human rights and opposing the occupation are being imposed on Israel from the outside-in, and only for the malicious purposes of harming the Jewish state, its citizens and its global image. (Of 27 organizations believed to be affected by the law, 25 were found to be left-wing or human rights groups. Full disclosure, my wife serves as legal advisor for several organizations that will be affected by the law.)

Earlier this year, Im Tirtzu, a radical right-wing organization with ties to the Israeli government, launched a campaign accusing prominent Israeli human rights organizations and their staff of being foreign-planted “moles,” citing the funding they receive from friendly European countries. The campaign even suggested that the “moles,” some of the country’s most prominent activists, were responsible for Palestinian stabbing attacks.

On another front, Culture Minister Miri Regev has been working for several years to curtail political dissent in the arts. Last month Regev sent questionnaires to artists asking them whether they perform in West Bank settlements, the first step in cutting funding on the basis of political...

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Nobody is coming to end the occupation, part two

Israel’s response to the Quartet’s ‘recommendation’ that it halt settlement expansion makes one thing perfectly clear: Netanyahu has fully internalized that nobody is coming to end the occupation.

The Quartet on Friday released a long-awaited report on … well, actually, nobody is really sure what it is about or why it was written. In fact, it’s not really clear what the Quartet is aside from a grouping of countries and international institutions that once upon a time endorsed a peace plan that never got off the ground (George W. Bush’s Roadmap for Peace).

The Quartet report did not say anything new. It simply repeated the same condemnations we’ve heard for over a decade — condemnations of settlements and settlement construction, violence, incitement to violence, and the need for both sides to take steps to “advance[e] the two-state solution on the ground.”

Equally predictable were the reactions the report drew from Israeli and Palestinian leaders alike. Neither side was particularly thrilled, primarily because the report’s authors, quite understandably, focused on their respective unflattering sides.

Rinse and repeat

So what is the point of spending months crafting a 3,500-word document that regurgitates the same things everyone has been saying for the past decade?

The U.S. State Department offered the following lackluster explanation. “These are legitimate recommendations that we believe are valid and still believe can help – if enacted, if adopted, if pursued – get closer to a two-state solution,” spokesperson John Kirby said.

What were the recommendations? In short: both sides should de-escalate tensions and reduce violence; Israeli should cease settlement activity and permit Palestinian development in the West Bank; Israel should lift its siege on Gaza; and the Palestinians should establish a single government that controls both the West Bank and Gaza.

“That many of those recommendations – most of them – are ones that we have made in the past or we have talked about before – not just us, but other members of the Quartet – I think should come as no surprise to anyone,” Kirby added.

That is a dangerous situation. By repeating the same tired “recommendations” ad nauseum for over a decade, and without laying out any consequences or next steps, the conglomerate of world powers known as the Quartet is broadcasting a depressingly clear message —nobody is coming to end the occupation.

That’s not news, of course. (See my identically titled article from late...

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Will Israel be in a 'state of emergency' forever?

The anti-terror law passed through Israel’s Knesset last week without one of its scariest pieces, the normalization of administrative detention, which remains dependent on the country’s 67-year-old self-declared state of emergency. That could have a bizarre consequence.

A new anti-terrorism bill passed by Israel’s Knesset last week may have actually perpetuated the single, looming problem its writers set out to solve — ending Israel’s 67-year state of emergency.

The bill is one of many pushed through the Knesset in recent years as part of an effort to eventually revoke the country’s declared state of emergency, initially declared by the British Mandate government in the 1940s and renewed every year since by Israel’s legislative body.

The emergency regulations have been abused by Israeli state bodies to draw authorities outside the framework of the law for years, from the regulation of taxi meters to health care procedures to administrative detention, the practice of imprisoning somebody — indefinitely — without charge or trial.

In order to eventually end the permanent “state of emergency,” legislators intended to codify the regulations and authorities that were vested in temporary “emergency laws,” and those British Mandate Laws, like administrative detention, which are only valid as long as Israel is in a state of emergency.

To that end, earlier versions of the anti-terror bill that passed last week included a change that would have removed the “only valid in a state of emergency” clause from the law that authorizes administrative detention. The line that would have allowed administrative detention in peacetime, however, was removed in committee, and the final law does not include any normalization of the practice.

Why did legislators remove the administrative detention clause of the anti-terrorism law? Somebody smart (a Knesset committee legal advisor) probably warned them that permanently revoking habeas corpus (authorizing indefinite detention without charge or trial) for reasons not related to war-time and/or a state of emergency would make the country look very bad.

It was probably also feared that Israel’s own High Court of Justice might not uphold the law if it were removed from the framework of a temporary, emergency situation.

Domestic Israeli legal norms, like those in international law, hold that these types of draconian measures are supposed to be used in extraordinary cases in extraordinary times. They are supposed to be an exception to the rule, not the rule itself.

So if the Knesset were to have added the practice of...

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Senior Israeli minister: Make BDS activists in Israel 'pay a price'

Public Security Minister Erdan says ‘the message has to be that it’s not worth being a BDS activist,’ reveals his plans to create government-sponsored legislation to that end.

Israeli Public Security, Strategic Affairs and Information Minister Gilad Erdan says that BDS advocates inside Israel must be made to pay a price and that he is working to create legislation that would do just that.

“The message has to be that it’s not worth being a BDS activist,” the minister said at a panel on BDS at the Herzliya Conference on Thursday. “Anybody who works to delegitimize Israel, to bring an end to the Zionist enterprise, they should know that there will be a price.”

Pointing to legislation that targets and punishes boycott and divestment actions and activists overseas, particularly in Europe and the United States, Erdan lamented “there’s no real price for somebody here, [an individual] or an organization who is working against his country in order to isolate it in the world.”

Erdan also revealed that he has put together a legal team that is working with the Israeli Justice Ministry to ensure that there is a price for boycott and presumably anti-occupation activism.

“If we want to convince the world that de-legitimization is unacceptable for which a price must be paid, then it needs to start here in Israel,” the senior minister said.

Israel already has a law that allows civil suits to be brought against boycott activists under certain circumstances, but it has never been used. Erdan described the existing boycott law as ineffective.

In March of this year, Intelligence Minister Yisrael Katz advocated engaging in “targeted civil eliminations” of BDS leaders with the help of Israeli intelligence, using language that deliberately evoked the Hebrew term for “targeted assassinations.”

Erdan made sure to distance himself from Katz’s comments, which drew the ire of Amnesty International at the time, reassuring the yearly policy conference that he was not referring to any sort of physical threats.

Israeli authorities recently announced that they have put a de facto travel ban on BDS leader Omar Barghouti and are considering revoking his permanent residency status in the country.

Erdan outlined steps he believes the government should take as it moves from defense to offense against the boycott movement and those who advocate for it.

Israeli authorities must target such activists’ and organizations’ bank accounts, expose their sources of funding,...

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Israel's chief rabbi urges building Jewish temple on Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif

The turnaround by Israel’s rabbinical leadership, which in the past has acted as a sane counterweight to messianic Third Temple activists, is a worrying sign. Netanyahu has regularly dismissed suggestions that Israel wants to alter the status quo on the Temple Mount as ‘incitement.’

One of the biggest drivers of violence in Jerusalem in recent years has been Palestinian and Muslim fears that Israel is altering, or at least that it intends to, the status quo on the Temple Mount/Haram al-Sharif — the holy esplanade which once housed the Jewish temple and today is the site of the Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu over the years has taken to describing the articulation of such fears as incitement. Indeed, rumors and fears surrounding Al-Aqsa Mosque have been behind numerous outbreaks of violence, including the 1929 Hebron Massacre, but that doesn’t mean those fears are baseless. At the very least, they are constantly stroked by Israeli officials and organizations with close ties to the government expressing messianic views.

(I published an extensive list of such provocations here late last year. They range from the acting foreign minister advocating raising an Israeli flag on the Temple Mount to government ministers publicly advocating for the construction of a Third Temple.)

This week saw yet another provocative statement from an unexpected source: Israel’s chief rabbi.

Israel’s Chief Ashkenazi Rabbi David Lau told the Knesset Channel (Israel’s equivalent to CSPAN) earlier this week that he would like to see a Third Temple built, and expressed his belief that the Muslim holy sites located on Haram al-Sharif/Temple Mount need not be demolished in order to make room for it.

Asked directly by journalist Nehama Douek whether he would want to see the Jewish Temple rebuilt in the same spot where it was previously located, Rabbi Lau answered, “yes.”

“In that place, by the way, in the same place where it was, there’s room for Jews, there’s room for Christians, there’s room for Muslims, there’s room for everybody,” Rabbi Lau continued. “It won’t take up the entire Temple Mount — take a look at its measurements.”

Rabbi Lau’s argument that there’s room for all three monotheistic religions on the Temple Mount will hardly assuage the fear that messianic Jews plan to destroy one of Islam’s holiest sites. For those who fear such...

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Violence is the strongest imperative to keep fighting for peace

With no peace process on the horizon, the terrorist attack in Tel Aviv this week is a reminder that we don’t have the luxury of giving up on a future in which Palestinians and Israelis alike can feel secure in their own homes, streets and cafes.

Almost six years ago, Hillary Clinton was getting ready to oversee the first face-to-face between Benjamin Netanyahu and Mahmoud Abbas in the Obama administration’s initial foray into Middle East peacemaking. Secretary of State Clinton’s road to just getting the two sides to sit down together had been long and hard, including extracting a nine-month settlement freeze from Netanyahu.

Three days before the sides were supposed to meet for the first time, however, Hamas carried out a terrorist attack that left four Israeli civilians dead. A day later, the militant Islamist group launched another attack, this time wounding two more civilians. Hamas made very clear, the point was to derail the peace talks.

After the first attack on August 31, 2010, I wrote that Hamas was becoming what conflict resolution practitioners call a spoiler group, in this case a stakeholder that has been excluded from a peace process and therefore tries to use violence to sabotage it. Despite the danger posed by Hamas, extremist Israeli settlers and other spoiler groups, I argued at the time that the prospects of peace were worth the danger posed by violent opposition to the process.

That was then. Fast-forward six years and there is no peace process in sight. There hasn’t been one for a long time, and despite the semblance of renewed movement expressed through the Paris summit and Netanyahu’s thus-far failed attempts to re-write the Arab Peace Initiative (API), there is nothing to indicate that the Israeli and Palestinian leadership will be sitting down to start mapping a negotiated settlement anytime soon. (Ben Caspit explains pretty succinctly why nobody should take Netanyahu’s API gesture seriously.)

Intellectually it is almost impossible to find hope in the current political stalemate. Given the choice between bringing the left-leaning, two-state supporting Labor Party into his government, Netanyahu instead chose to strengthen his existing coalition with hardliner Avigdor Liberman and annexationist Naftali Bennett, who has vowed to do everything in his power to prevent Palestinian statehood. Mahmoud Abbas, who the Israeli Left and much of the international community long ago ordained as the last...

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+972 is an independent, blog-based web magazine. It was launched in August 2010, resulting from a merger of a number of popular English-language blogs dealing with life and politics in Israel and Palestine.

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