9 comments for ”It’s official: Bibi’s plan is to wait for the problem to go away“

    
  1. Hi Ami. I think that to say that Netanyahu’s plan is to ‘do nothing,’ and to reiterate the platitude that his government ‘only reacts’ is to make a serious mistake. Israel’s decision makers are extremely active at the moment, involved as they are in promoting racist and nationalistic legislation (you can have a look at the ‘private law proposals’ on the Knesset website) and in massively accelerating the landgrab in Palestinian Jerusalem (12,000 new housing units, many of which are in illegal settlements). These are among the many means by which Netanyahu and his government are dealing with the “UDI.” They are made possible by the Israelis’ strong wish not to know, and the collaboration they get from the mainstream press.
    Netanyahu has a smart plan (from his perspective), in fact: to make everyone think Israel is “bogged down and passive,” engaged only in “hasbara,” while radically changing reality on the ground.

  2. 
  3. Etgar is giving us the old line that Israel can have peace for the asking. Then why haven’t the “peace” Prime Ministers (Labor and Kadima) been able to achieve it when they were in power? Why does the Left refuse to face that fact that Netanyahu is right…that the Arabs can NOT make peace with Israel. The existence of a dhimmi Jewish state is an affront to the divine order of the world as the Muslims see it. The Arabs/Muslims say it quite openly. To say “I don’t like hearing such a thing so it must not be true” is simply sticking one’s head into the sand.

  4.  
  5. If you’re not familiar with Prof. Aumann’s Blackmailer’s Paradox, I propose that you have a look at it.
    3 questions must come to mind: 1) is the paradox’ definition correct; 2) does it apply to this case; and 3) if it does, what does it imply. I think that the answer to #1 is obvious, as I have never seen anyone refute it.
    Also, a reasonable answer to #3 is that under these conditions – assessing that the other side isn’t interested in “honest” negotiations but is blackmailing, and that the other side’s best proposal is worse than the current situation – doing nothing on that area and focusing on changing the rules of the game (that is, convincing the world that this is indeed blackmailing), may be the best strategy.
    .
    #2 is the part where theory gives no answer: it’s purely about risk assessment and management. The oft mentioned claim that it’s security vs. democracy is simply wrong: they’re both equally needed.
    .
    My view in regards to #3 is that the discussions are between Israelis on both sides of the fence, without regard to the real other party – the Palestinians. I haven’t heard the Palestinians agreeing to what the “left” propose as “their” (the Palestinians’) position; I see it rather as a wishful thinking attitude. The past IS an indication of the future, unless one can show a relevant fundamental change in the context.
    That’s where I place sentences such as “If there’s anything we don’t want to see, it’s people who have been occupied for 44 years getting a taste of having their way”, claiming that the problem is only 44 years old.

  6. 
  7. Beyond the “scoop” about Bibi’s having no plan, which should really come as no surprise to anyone who follows the news, Keret reveals the extent to which the big front page diplomatic/security/political events are scripted to the point of being absolutely meaningless – and yet the jaded press corps regurgitates whatever the politicians give them, as if it were really news. The fact that it took a fiction writer to take this story apart and put it back together again is, in my opinion, more interesting than anything said by our illustrious leader.

  8.  
  9. The scoop for me is that Bibi seems to think the whole world is just a bunch of slack-jawed yokels (his words). He thinks that if Israel can latch on to an idea – as childish and dissociated from reality as it may be – and repeat it over and over again, ad-nauseum, that the idea will eventually penetrate popular discourse and become reality (even if it is a virtual reality). The whole notion of a peace process is absolutely bogus to Bibi, but he recognizes that Israel cannot simply disown it, for fear of severe political and economic repercussions. So he takes the idea of a peace process and shapes it like a piece of clay into something else entirely, something that has no meaning or point; it is almost like a work of abstract art in Bibi’s hands. Until the U.N. and and U.S. realize this and force Israel and the Palestinians into negotiations based on a structured peace plan that does not allow for any deviation or interpretation, there will be no peace in the Middle East.

  10.  
  11. I find it funny that Nethanyahu is condemned for having the same conclusion that even a good part of this site** has: that negotiations can’t reach anywhere since the two sides are too far. That’s not even a particularly right wing position – it’s just acknowledging reality.

    **
    http://972mag.com/please-no-more-peace-plans/

    “But wasn’t the war evidence to the fact that it’s impossible to sign an agreement with only half the Palestinian Authority, and leave Gaza out of the process? And didn’t the result of the Israeli elections prove that the public prefers Netanyahu’s rejectionism to Kadima’s two-state platform? Couldn’t the failure to reach an agreement serve as proof that at least one of the parties – if not both – find the negotiation’s outcome impossible to live with, or simply impractical?”



Leave a comment