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What does 'coexistence' look like in a segregated city?

‘Coexistence’ in one of Israel’s major mixed cities means Palestinian citizens must forget who they are, where they were born, and whom they were born to.

By Zohar Elmakias

Two eighth grade girls from Ramle’s Juwarish neighborhood stabbed a security guard at the central bus station last Thursday. Following the incident, I thought a lot of about Ramle. I was born and raised there, and many of my family members still live in the city. Ramle is, for better or for worse, the landscape of my childhood, the place I always go back to. As a child, I participated in various “coexistence” activities with local Arab children. We met at the pool, at summer camp, at school. But I did not live in a “mixed city” — I lived in a segregated city: I did not know their language, and it took me time to understand why our neighbors put up a Christmas tree in their living room, or why fireworks lit up the sky on Christmas Eve.

And though I lived in a segregated city, Haaretz recently published a list of education experts and local leaders who praised the city for its coexistence, among them was Mayor Yoel Lavi, who said: “Ramle is a multicultural city where Jews coexist alongside Arabs as neighbors. We will continue to be good neighbors with no difference between sectors.”

In an interview in 2005, Lavi said: “There are homes in Juwarish that are nicer than those in Kfar Shmaryahu. How can people call it a refugee camp? There is an excellent school there…and houses that are reminiscent of the Loire Valley.” In that same interview, Lavi talked about the local elections and his relations with the Arab population of the city:

In those same years, Lavi refused to give Arab names to the streets in Ramle, saying that those who don’t like the decision can either move to Arab towns or “change their Allah.” He later apologized, although two years later Israel’s attorney general decided not to appoint him to head the Israel Land Administration (ILA). Even the chairman of the ILA, one of the most discriminatory and problematic bodies in Israel, cannot stand Lavi’s remarks and policies.

Lavi’s remarks show exactly what kind of “coexistence” is acceptable to him: the kind in which people are made to forget who they are, where they were born, and whom they were born to....

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Does the state care when its Arab citizens are murdered?

As long as Arabs are the ones being murdered, the State of Israel has no problem with illegally-owned weapons. Only when Jews are harmed does this become a national issue. And then they wonder why we aren’t loyal.

By Abed Abu Shehada

I came home at around 9 p.m. and pressed the button for the elevator. Without any prior notice, dozens of armed policemen jump on me at the entrance to my building. I cooperated, told them where I live, and no, I did not resist — despite the fact that the police did not present me with any arrest warrant, nor did anyone care to explain to me what this was all about.

The only thing I understood was that they were looking for the Abu Shahadeh family, although they couldn’t do the bare minimum of finding out that our entire building is comprised of members of the family. Meanwhile, they pointed their weapons on members of the family while patting us down front of young children, all while ignoring our requests to put down the weapons and let the women of the family get dressed. Needless to say, we cooperated fully.

This was probably too big a request for the police. My attempt to explain to them that they could search the house as long as they respected my mother and sister did little to help. In a matter of seconds I found myself on the ground, surrounded by officers. They held me down with their knees on my head; I felt helpless and begged them to let me breathe. After that I was forced to sit on the wall while my hands were cuffed behind my back. Within a matter of seconds I realized my uncles were also first arrested in the 1950s without any prior criminal history. I was made to sit on the street, humiliated in front of all the neighbors, begging the policeman to stop pressing my head down, that I wasn’t going anywhere.

But who am I to complain? The hunting season of young Arabs in their 20s has begun, and the preferred location is Tel Aviv. These days, if you’re a dark-skinned Arab man with older features — Tel Aviv and Jaffa are not the place for you. Yes, there was an attack last Friday. The attacker has yet to be caught, and there is no solid evidence that...

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Israel bars reporter for 10 years for 'having political agenda'

German journalist Martin Lejeune was detained and interrogated for 24 hours before being deported. A journalist with political viewpoints not aligned with the regime’s is a real danger to democracy, it appears.

By Idan Gillo (translated by Alan Horowitz)

The good news is we can all sleep soundly tonight. A grave danger was thwarted in a timely manner. And not just temporarily, but for the next 10 years. The bad news is that the danger wasn’t related to us, but rather – and this is also doubtful – to the Israeli regime.

A full disclosure is called for: I know Martin Lejeune personally; he is a freelance reporter who during the summer of 2014, risking his own life and livelihood, reported from the Gaza Strip independently of IDF spokespersons or any corporate news agency. I met him in a Berlin café in 2014, just before his famous trip to the Gaza Strip. We have been in touch ever since. Lejeune, as someone dedicated to investigative reporting, is constantly exposed to hostility, not just in Israel, but also in Germany. He will survive; he’s a descendent of the Huguenots, and they have some experience with political persecution. However, the story is not just about Lejeune; it story touches all who, either by choice or by necessity, live between the Jordan river and the Mediterranean sea. The story is about the nature of Israel’s government – in actuality already for a very long time, but especially these days.

Here’s the short of the story: Earlier this month, at 10 p.m. on a Monday, after about 20 hours of detention and interrogation Lejeune was told that he was being denied entry to Israel because he is a security risk: “You are not a reporter, you have a political agenda.”

I will not get into the wisdom of this decision. There are indeed multitudinous mechanisms that stand between the citizen and the truth. Why resort to such a far-reaching action that will certainly cause a stir? Israel has, on multiple occasions, denied entry of public figures into territories under its unfettered control and did so mainly to enhance its reputation in the world.

So Lejeune now has the honor of joining the list of intellectuals, journalists, artists, activists and, of course, regular citizens, who were not born with the proper Jewish privilege and are not allowed entry...

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How Israel erases Arabic from the public landscape

The Israeli government has begun omitting the Arabic name for Jerusalem from its street signs, erasing not only the language from the Israeli consciousness, but Palestinian identity itself.

By Umar Al-Ghubari

Driving towards Jerusalem on Highway 1, you may notice a relatively new phenomenon taking place on the road signs directing you to the city. Readers of Arabic will see that the name of Jerusalem in Arabic has undergone a change: the word in brackets, القدس, Al-Quds, which appeared there until very recently, no longer exists on the new signs that have recently been put up by the roadsides in those sections where highway’s recent expansion been completed.

The name of Jerusalem in modern Arabic is Al-Quds, which means “The Holy.” The root q-d-s [in Arabic] is similar to the root q-d-sh in Hebrew, and the name is derived from the city’s name “Beit El-Maqdis” which was in use even in the 7th century together with the Roman name Aelia [Capitolina]. The name Urshalīm appears in the Arabic version of the Hebrew Bible and the New Testament. Partial translations of the New Testament into Arabic were begun as early as the 7th century. The first translation of the Hebrew Bible into Arabic was probably completed early in the 9th century by a Muslim cleric, but the most regarded and important translation is that of the Jewish philosopher Sayeed Alfayumi, better known by his Hebrew name, R. Saadia Gaon (882–942). Both Urshalīm and the Hebrew name Yerushalayīm most probably stem from the town’s Canaanite name, Rushalimom, or its Jebusite name Urusalima, from the third and second millennia before the common era.

The State of Israel, and the Zionist movement before that, have acted, and are still acting, to erase the Arabic names from the land and to replace them with Jewish–Hebrew names. The work of renaming was assigned to the government’s naming committee, established in 1950 as a successor of the “JNF Committee for Names of Settlements,” which was formed in 1925. The committee’s tasks include giving names to new towns, intersections and bypasses, parks, springs, streams, etc. Since its establishment the committee has determined thousands of new names. Although there are more methods than one for determining the names, the purpose is one: the Judaization of the land and the erasure of Arab identity from it and from the mind.

At times the committee has based its decision on names from...

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Israel’s ultimatum to refugees: Indefinite detention or danger

An Israeli court upholds the government’s policy of indefinitely imprisoning African asylum if they don’t agree to ‘voluntary deportation’ to third countries with no legal status. The xenophobia driving Israel’s policy is top-down, but there is another way.

By Anat Ovadia-Rosner

The Be’er Sheva District Court rejected a petition filed by human rights organizations earlier this month, thereby green lighting the indefinite imprisonment of asylum seekers unless they agree to leave Israel for a third country. The term “voluntary deportation” has always described a dubious state of affairs: people who risked their lives to get to Israel, whom the state did everything in its power to make miserable, are said to depart of their own “free will.” Following this ruling, the indifference and cynicism suggested by this term will only grow as those humans who fled dictatorship and genocide are forced to choose between indefinite detention and a dangerous journey, during and at the end of which, their safety is not guaranteed.

Sadly, the court failed to grant sufficient weight to testimonies presented to it, collected by the human rights organizations whose researchers actually went to visit those destination countries, witnessing reality there first hand. Asylum seekers leaving Israel for Rwanda (the only country offered to asylum seekers over the last few months, according to what we are told) discovered a reality drastically different than the prospects promised to them by Israel. The travel documents provided upon departure from Israel were taken from them upon their arrival to Rwanda; they were led to an enclosed compound and told they could not leave it unless they pay human smugglers the entire stipend given to them by Israel in order to illegally cross the border to Uganda. Those crossing the border embark on a treacherous journey, on which they are forced to hide from Ugandan authorities and are vulnerable to robbery and violence. (Read more on the fate of those who ‘voluntarily’ leave Israel here.)

Uganda too has nothing in store for asylum seekers: accessibility to asylum proceedings is limited, and asylum seekers have neither papers nor ability to work legally. This means that many of them try to move on. Some individuals who had left Israel were lucky enough to make it safely to countries in Europe, but others, like those executed by ISIS in Libya this past April, were not so lucky. They were forced to leave Uganda...

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Netanyahu’s transfer plan is met with silent complicity

The prime minister’s proposal to revoke the residency status of 100,000 East Jerusalemites sends an unequivocal message to all Arabs living under Israeli rule: your rights are rooted in our good will alone, and conditionally so. The silence of Israel’s ‘democratic’ camp is deafening.

By Yehudit Oppenheimer

Israel’s self-ordained “democratic” camp silently accepted Benjamin Netanyahu’s proposal to revoke the permanent residency status of 100,000 Palestinians who live in those East Jerusalem neighborhoods that lie beyond the separation barrier last month.

Even if Netanyahu’s proposal is never actualized, it is impossible to ignore its significance even as a proposal: the prime minister of Israel is advocating the mass transfer of Palestinians from Jerusalem and the center-left political parties in the opposition did not offer up even the faintest whisper of protest.

One might conclude that Netanyahu expressed in more explicit terms an idea that the center-left shares, but which it generally couches in more palatable language.

Thus, while Netanyahu may have rid himself of the two-state solution, the center-left continues to brandish it, albeit empty of all substance. Both major center-left political camps in Israel share their refusal to compromise on Jerusalem. Both the Zionist Camp (Labor and Tzipi Livni) and Yesh Atid (Yair Lapid’s party) toy with the idea that Palestinian Jerusalem can be pushed into remote city suburbs — the neighborhoods beyond the separation barrier.

But these poverty-stricken suburbs are not part of historical Palestinian Jerusalem in the same measure that they are not part of historical Jewish Jerusalem. No sane Palestinian leader would support such a proposal.

Both approaches share the same refusal to recognize any Palestinian attachment to historic Jerusalem, along with a denial of Palestinian attachment to greater Jerusalem. That is in addition to their attempts to portray of the current wave of violence in Jerusalem as localized and devoid of political context.

The complicit silence in response to Netanyahu’s transfer plan is one more sign that Israel’s “democratic” camp knows its own solutions are just as delusional.

In the absence of a political solution, Jews and Arabs in Jerusalem will continue living in a binational expanse, and there is only one democratic way to manage it — with full political and civil equality. However, both the right-wing and the so-called democratic camps are historically inclined to reject such a possibility.

From the mid-1990s, thousands of Palestinians from Jerusalem had their permanent residency status revoked under...

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Every day is a 'wave of violence' for Palestinians

Where are Jewish Israelis when Palestinians find themselves under attack? When entire villages are demolished? When health care is conditioned on providing intelligence? When people are imprisoned without even the courtesy of a conviction?

By Tom Mehager

For Palestinians, every day is a wave of terror. And every day Jews stand idly by. It’s just that the majority of Jews view it as completely normal and logical that the state acts the way it does, or they prefer to bury their heads in the sand. I can think of three fundamental, day-to-day examples that I know firsthand and can happen at any time.

Israel’s Erez Crossing to Gaza. A Palestinian who wants to leave Gaza for medical treatment in the West Bank, Israel or Jordan must pass through Erez. If he or she even receives a permit at all, a Shin Bet agent at Erez will often “propose” that the Palestinian become a collaborator. In exchange, they get permission to leave the Strip for medical treatment. I personally know of a case in which a girl with cancer arrived at Erez, where the Shin Bet stipulated that her family would have to become informants in order to leave. I learned of dozens of such cases while working for Physicians for Human Rights-Israel. The Israeli media doesn’t care. The life of ill Gazans is a non-story. That is, unless they stab or launch missiles at Jews, that’s when we talk about a “wave of violence.”

Administrative detention. Thousands of Palestinians have been imprisoned without charge or trial for long periods of times. Recently, administrative detainee Muhammad Allan came close to dying during a hunger strike against his administrative detention. A few weeks later, Allan was detained was once again after being released from the hospital. How many Jews came out to protest against this crime? How many on Facebook shared his remarks or those of his attorneys? A tiny minority.

Umm al-Hiran. Israel is planning on destroying an entire village comprised of more than 1,000 residents and establishing a Jewish-only town on its ruins, complete with an “acceptance committee.” Contrary to what the state claims, the residents of Umm al-Hiran are not invaders. They were sent there by the Israeli army, which governed most of Israel’s Arab citizens for the first two decades of Israel’s existence. Now the state wants to uproot them again. Just like a Palestinian can...

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15 years on, it seems October 2000 killings weren't an aberration

Israel’s ‘new’ policy of shooting stone throwers is directed exclusively against Arabs from East Jerusalem and the Naqab (Negev), while ensuring that customary rules of engagement are applied to Jewish stone throwers.

By Mohammad Bassam

The Israeli security cabinet, backed by the attorney general, recently approved a series of measures that, according to the government, are meant to deter Palestinians from throwing stones. Along with the collective punishment of East Jerusalem’s Palestinian residents, the government permitted the police to use open gunfire with live bullets, to ignore the distinction between adult and child stone-throwers, and to use .22 caliber “Ruger” sniper rifles. These steps demonstrate that the events of October 2000 15 years ago, in which 13 young Palestinian men — 12 of them Israeli citizens — were killed by Israeli police forces, were not inadvertent mistakes, but rather the outcome of a longstanding and systemic racist policy.

As a rule, the use of potentially lethal methods such as live fire — which according to Israeli law is supposed to apply to the whole population regardless of nationality or race — are prohibited unless a number of terms and conditions exist that derive from the doctrine of “necessity” in criminal law. According to this doctrine, the use of lethal weapons is permitted only in extreme and highly exceptional circumstances in which there is a real, immediate physical danger to human life and well-being, and when all less lethal means have been exhausted. The new regulations relating to stone throwers starkly deviate from the law, and instead seek to apply harsher laws to “offenders” in the Arab population.

The new regulations once again prove that Israel implements a racist policy which views Palestinian citizens and residents as a security and demographic threat to the state. The implementation of the new policy is meant exclusively against Arab stone throwers from East Jerusalem and the Naqab (Negev), while ensuring that Israel’s customary rules of engagement continue to be applied against Jewish stone throwers. This policy is driven by double standards in regards to how Israeli law enforcement authorities handle demonstrations, public gatherings and clashes with various population groups. It should be obvious that the motive behind throwing a stone, or the national-ideological identity of the stone-thrower, has no differing effect on the potential danger that this act can pose to civilian passersby. The state’s racist approach is also clear...

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Black labor: How a white elite uses black soldiers to enforce its will

A new photo project focuses on the soldiers of Israel’s Border Police, the main military unit used to enforce the occupation of the Palestinians. Shot in various locations across Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories, ‘Black Labor’ looks at the points of impact where Israel’s elite pits black Jews against Palestinians.

Photos by Mati Milstein, text by Tom Mehager

Mati Milstein’s “Black Labor” project reveals the face of the “Second Israel,” the antithesis of those Israelis who have always been viewed as the “salt of the earth.” When the parents of those photographed arrived to this country, the establishment viewed them as both morally and intellectually inferior — people who need to be re-socialized in order to become a part of the State of Israel’s moral regime.

Take, for instance, the first leaders of the Education Ministry. Back in 1945 Eliezer Riger, one of the foremost proponents of vocational education — and who would eventually come to head the Education Ministry — spoke of the need to separate Mizrahim (Jews from Arab and Muslim countries) and Ashkenazim (Jews of European origin): “Pre-vocational [education] leadership could bring a special blessing to the Oriental population, after all… the Oriental children, at least most of them, do not know how to appreciate simplified learning and cannot derive actual uselessness from non-practical education.”

At the end the 1950s, the head of the ministry, Yaakov Sarid, said that the government must erect a “dam to prevent the storming of academic high schools by all elementary school graduates.” The State of Israel effectively prevented parents from sending their children to academic high schools. It continues to do so today.

Then education minister Zalman Aren praised the new collective that the state was helping establish: “During my visits to the pre-vocational classes, I saw a process of merging the Diaspora communities. And the purpose is not necessarily merging children from the East with those of the West. I am speaking about merging children from the different Muslim countries.”

Meanwhile Ashkenazim spent their time in both separate educational frameworks and different military tracks. One does not need a photo series featuring the graduates of Israel’s Army Radio, as they appear on our television screens at nearly every hour of the day. The members of the”First Israel” — whether they are from the right, left, or center — speak proper Hebrew, do not sweat in the sun, are...

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Are IDF intelligence vets helping Uganda hunt down LGBTs?

An investigative report reveals that an Israeli company is involved in supplying spyware to the Ugandan government, which is being used for the persecution of LGBT activists in the country. 

By Tanya Rubinstein

In Uganda today, homosexual relations are illegal. Ugandan legislators are trying to make LGBT activities illegal, including LGBT organizations themselves. Activists are persecuted, the media “outs” LGBTs, and there are reports of widespread violence against members of the community.

A recent investigative report by Buzzfeed’s Sheera Frenkel revealed that the Israeli company NICE Systems, along with the Italian company Hacking Team, were involved in supplying spyware to different countries — including Uganda — which according to Buzzfeed, (based on correspondences published by Wikileaks) made use of the technology to track LGBT activists.

So who are the main actors in this story?

NICE is an Israeli company that was founded in 1986 by a group of former soldiers belonging to Israel’s prestigious Unit 8200, part of the IDF’s intelligence corps. Before the company began creating products for the civilian market, it worked on developing communications systems for security industries and intelligence services.

Hacking Team is an Italian company that provides information gathering solutions for government bodies. The company created a program for intelligence gathering, which is installed directly on any electronic device. In July of this year, Wikileaks published correspondences revealing that groups in Israel are interested in Hacking Team’s programs, although it is unclear whether they were bought and used.

On its website, Hacking Team obligates itself to not export its intelligence gathering technology to anyone who will use it to violate human rights. According to Frenkel, however, Hacking Team representatives did not bother to check just how its programs will be used, despite widespread reports of oppressive measures being used against the LGBT community in Uganda.

For dissidents against oppressive regimes, and specifically for members of the LGBT community, gathering intelligence on private individuals by government bodies not only thwarts their activities, it puts them directly at risk. We saw this last year, after a group of Unit 8200 veterans published a letter in which they admit that as part of their service, they blackmailed gay Palestinians in exchange for information, or in order to turn them into collaborators.

The transition of soldiers into private enterprise upon their release from the army is a well-known phenomenon, which is based on the close relations...

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Why a pro-settler group wants to talk about ISIS

An Israeli group working in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Silwan is presenting ISIS destruction of antiquities as a cautionary tale for its own struggle with Palestinians.

By Yonathan Mizrachi

A group that manages the City of David’s archaeological site in the heart of the village of Silwan in East Jerusalem, the “Elad Foundation in the City of David,” is holding its annual archeology conference, entitled “ISIS: Is it possible to stop the destruction?” It will deal in part with the destruction of antiquities in Iraq and Syria.

That the so-called ISIS group is destroying ancient ruins is indisputable. The organization documents it with videos and is proud of what it sees as symbolic conquests. Just this week the destruction of a major temple in the biblical city of Tadmor (Palmyra) in Syria was reported. But the conference title implies that aside from concern for antiquities and heritage, someone is also considering measures to prevent the destruction.

Elad is not interested in the destruction of antiquities in Iraq, but rather, here, in Silwan, on the Temple Mount, and in East Jerusalem. They say “ISIS” but the intention is perceived here in Jerusalem as “Islamic extremists.” Israeli organizations has not prevented the destruction of antiquities in Iraq and Syria, and, so far, neither has the international community. However, if we focus on the Israeli discourse on the destruction of antiquities, then, according to Elad there is much to be done.  The group has seen itself for a long time now to be on the forefront of fighting Muslims’ destruction of ancient ruins.

After construction undertaken by the Islamic Waqf led to the destruction of antiquities on the Temple Mount / Haram al-Sharif in the 1990s, it was Elad which invested funds and acted to sift the debris dumped into the Kidron Valley. To this day, it is one of the key projects that Elad finances and operates in East Jerusalem. But this activity, presented as an attempt to rescue the antiquities of the Temple Mount, has no archeological value and its importance is primarily educational and political, both in terms of having archaeologists engaged in sifting through the dirt, and with its links to settlers in East Jerusalem.

The message is clear: Muslims aims to destroy antiquities and Israel intervenes to prevent such...

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What if the state is counting on our brain damage?

This week, the state announced that hunger striker Mohammad Allan would be released only if he has suffered irreversible brain damage. But what if this is only part of a greater state system that criminalizes and punishes those who oppose it?

By Idan Gillo

It sounds like bad satire, or at least a provocative play: a man is arrested under “administration detention,” thrown into prison without any reasonable legal processing, without trial, without a hearing of the evidence against him, and without a proper debate. He started a hunger strike, his situation deteriorated, and at some point the state declared that if it was proven that he had suffered irreversible brain damage, he would be freed. His cognitive capacities, and not the determination of his guilt or innocence, is what stands between him and his freedom. Woefully, this is reality in the state of Israel in the summer of 2015: the state defines irreversible brain damage as a condition for release of Mohammad Allan.

The issue raises a number of fundamental questions. First, what kind of regime publicly declares irreversible brain damage as a condition for release of a man assumed to be innocent? The state shows its sadism, without batting an eyelash, in declaring irreversible brain damage as a legitimate adverse effect of administrative detention.

On the question of “what kind of government is this?” I would like to go beyond the debate within the field of “security,” and the security forces’ influence on the legal system, to the point that they are almost indiscernible.

The case of Mohammad Allan shows that release on the condition of irreversible brain damage, rather than his innocence, crosses a red line. Of course, the reader will be quick to calm himself on the fact that this standard does not apply to his family, his friends or his acquaintances.

But, really? We then arrive at a second question: On what basis does the state decide to arrest or not arrest a citizen or resident?

There’s good reason to believe that the case of Mohammad Allan is not extraordinary, but, rather, paradigmatic. It is reasonable to assume that the states’ limits of tolerance for its citizens are revealed here.  What if it only tolerates those who have already – excuse the coarseness – already suffered some form of brain damage?  Would it be an exaggeration to say that only...

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A dark stain on all of Judaism

Friday’s arson was a terrorist attack familiar to the likes of ISIL. Now is the time for ideas; condemnations aren’t enough. The question is not only what was said that led to the murder, but what we did not say.

By Meir Buzaglo

Perhaps if I were a better Jew, I would fast today. With every such attack by “religious” people, the wound within Judaism grows. Last summer, after Muhammad Abu Khdeir was burned alive, Rabbi Israel Maimran told me: “I am ill.”

At this moment, we condemn and let the police do the talking. But perhaps the police, and even the Shin Bet, cannot help us heal this wound. They are too little, too late. Even condemnations do not suffice.

Like in cases of domestic murders, we pass the issue onto the police. To my knowledge, they are fairly helpless. They can look for the perpetrators, use D.N.A. samples to reveal their identities — but this is not enough.

When the world battled malaria, we did not chase after every single mosquito. We must find the swamp from which they originate and dry it up. On top of this dried swamp we can establish a town based on environmentally friendly principles, which will allow us to forget that there was ever a swamp there to begin with.

In our case it seems that, first and foremost, the swamp is full of the inciters. Our next phase must be to directed against those who choose to remain silent. Friday’s arson is a terrorist attack against Arabs, but in terms of our lives here in Israel, it is more like ISIL, al-Qaida and Hamas.

We must resist the easy solutions. Claims of “I told you so, it’s those religious people,” do not suffice. Perhaps the job of the believers is to explain that these are not religious people, but rather those who besmirch God’s name.

Furthermore, we must not use this tragedy as payback against the Right. There is a fierce battle going on between the Right and Left in Israel, and it is important to make a distinction between stances one doesn’t agree with and stances that are beyond the pale.

Now is the time for ideas. Condemnations aren’t enough. The right-wing spiritual-political leadership (and perhaps that of the Left as well) must come together and take a good look at itself. The question is not only what was...

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