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What makes Palestinian security officials turn on Israelis?

The reality in the West Bank has pushed some Palestinians to enforce an occupation against their own people.

On Sunday morning, 34-year-old Amjed Sakari, a member of the Palestinian security services, drove up to an Israeli checkpoint reserved exclusively for Palestinian Authority personnel. When asked to produce his ID, he stepped out of the car and opened fire, wounding three Israeli soldiers. In response, the IDF put Ramallah, the political and financial capital of the West Bank, under near-total lockdown.

The driver and bodyguard of the Palestinian chief prosecutor, Sakari is only the second member of the PA security forces to commit an attack since the latest round of violence erupted last October. The first was Mazan Hasan Ariva, an intelligence officer in the Palestinian Authority, who opened fire on an Israeli civilian and a soldier at Hizma checkpoint near Ramallah in December of last year.

As Amos Harel points out, it is too early to tell whether Sakari and Ariva’s actions are a harbinger of things to come, and yet this current political moment should give us pause.

Since the beginning of the occupation in 1967 and until 1993, Israel has been the sole sovereign power in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. The Oslo Accords produced a series of political and economic agreements between Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the most significant of which was the creation of the Palestinian Authority — an interim self-governing body established to oversee both security and civil matters in parts of the West Bank as well as the Gaza Strip.

While the PA was not allowed a military, it could establish its own security forces, including police and secret service. These forces work in tandem with the Shin Bet and the Israeli army to foil attacks on Israeli civilians and soldiers as well as to prevent insurrection against the PA within Areas A and B.

On paper, Oslo laid out a years-long process of granting piecemeal autonomy to the Palestinians in the occupied territories. In reality, successive Israeli governments have used the PA to outsource the security duties of the Israeli army to a nascent, American-trained Palestinian police force. Meanwhile, Israel’s settlement enterprise continued to gnaw away at an already-fraught territorial contiguity in the West Bank. Today there are over half a million Israeli settlers beyond the Green Line, supported by one of the most...

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WATCH: Ever wonder what a 'settler takeover' looks like?

Dozens of Israeli settlers with crowbars descend on two homes in the old city of Hebron. Israeli authorities remove them a day later.

The phrase “settler takeover” is used fairly often by the international media to discuss a common occurrence in the West Bank and East Jerusalem. But rarely do the cameras actually capture just how this kind of thing is done. That’s why the sight of dozens of Israeli settlers with crowbars descending on two homes in the old city of Hebron is as surprising as it is disturbing.

The settlers, who took over the buildings on Thursday, claimed to have purchased the properties, located near the Cave of the Patriarchs. Israeli authorities were not previously informed of the takeover. According to Israeli political analyst Tal Schneider, the decision to take over the two homes was orchestrated by high-ranking members within the ruling Likud party, none of whom actually live in West Bank settlements.

Israeli security forces removed the settlers on Friday morning, with Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon calling them “intruders” who “trampled the law” for not taking the necessary legal measures required to move into the houses. None of the settlers were arrested, however.

The last major settler takeover in Hebron occurred in April 2014, when three Israeli families moved into a contested home, following a years-long legal battle that culminating with an authorization from Israeli Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon.

Palestinians claimed the property was purchased using forged documents, but Israel’s Supreme Court rejected that claim. Settlers often buy Palestinian land through front companies, the most famous of which is named Al Wattan (homeland in Arabic). Read more about fraudulent settler land purchase tactics here.

Earlier this month settlers used a front company meant to appear like a Swedish church group in order to purchase property for a new settlement in between Bethlehem and Jerusalem. Defense Minister Ya’alon eventually approved that purchase, to the chagrin of the United States.

Settlers in Jerusalem often use similar tactics to take over Palestinian property, even when the buildings themselves aren’t abandoned, such as the case of the Sub Laban family, whom settlers nearly expelled from their Old City home in March of last year.

In late 2014, Israeli settlers took over three empty apartment buildings in the heart of the Palestinian neighborhood of Silwan in East Jerusalem. They moved in under...

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These are the anti-occupation activists jailed under gag order

Israeli authorities arrest prominent activists Ezra Nawi, Guy Butavia, and Nasser Nawajah. At least one of them was barred from meeting with his attorney for days. In court, one activist says his interrogators used materials taken directly from a right-wing organization.

Photos and video by Oren Ziv/

The three anti-occupation activists in Israeli custody whose identities were under gag order until Thursday are Ezra Nawi, Guy Butavia, and Nasser Nawajah. The three were arrested over the past week and half in the wake of a “sting operation” by Israeli right-wing group, Ad Kan, which accused them of collaborating with the Palestinian Security Services against a Palestinian man who was allegedly trying to sell West Bank land to Israeli settlers. The sting aired on Israel’s primetime investigative report show, “Uvda.”

All three cases were put under a sweeping gag order, which prevented +972 and the entire Israeli media from reporting their identities or any details of the investigation.

“Ad Kan” (loosely translated to “No More”), arms its members with hidden cameras in order to capture high-profile leftists doing or saying incriminating things. This way, Ad Kan’s founders claim, it can be proven once and for all that Israeli human rights groups actually care very little about human rights.

Nawi, an Israeli Jew of Iraqi descent and an activist with anti-occupation direct action group Ta’ayush, was caught on camera telling an undercover right-wing activist that he often receives calls from Palestinian land brokers who wish to sell property in the West Bank to Israelis, but who cannot do so on the open market because doing so is a criminal offense under Palestinian law.

Nawi was then secretly filmed pretending to act as a middleman. On the video, he then explains that he will report the Palestinian land broker to the Palestinian Preventive Security Force, which he says will torture and kill both the seller and middleman.

Uvda showed Nawi meeting with the middleman to discuss the details of the deal. Nawi is later shown discussing — along with Najawah, a field worker from Israeli human rights organization, B’Tselem — how to report the land broker to Palestinian security forces.

Nawi was arrested at Ben Gurion Airport three days after the program aired, although there was no legal barrier to him from leaving the country prior to his arrest. His attorney said he was trying to leave the...

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Israeli authorities arrest two more human rights activists

A sweeping gag order has been issued on all details of the cases.

Two human rights activists, an Israeli and a Palestinian, were arrested late Tuesday night. The Palestinian activist was arrested by Israeli army forces at his home in the South Hebron Hills and was transferred to the police for questioning.

A sweeping gag order has been issued on details of each of the cases, and all hearings have been held behind closed doors. Beyond specific gag orders, Israeli law bars the publication of any identifying information about a suspect for 48 hours after their arrest or before they are indicted in court, whichever comes first.

The arrests come more than a week after a prominent left-wing activist was arrested at Ben Gurion Airport on suspicion of making contact with a foreign agent. The Jerusalem Magistrate’s Court ordered the activist to be released to house arrest after more than a week in detention. The police appealed the decision, and the Jerusalem District Court will hear the appeal on Thursday.

The activist, who was arrested last Sunday, was only allowed to meet with his lawyer on Friday, four days after he was first arrested, and even then reportedly only out of concern for his physical and mental health.

The man, whose identity is under gag order, was the subject of a right-wing hidden camera ‘sting operation’ broadcast on Israeli television recently.

Israeli security forces themselves often violate privacy laws meant to protect suspects, and in some cases those meant to protect minors, although generally only when the suspect is Palestinian.

Israeli authorities recently began using measures previously reserved for Palestinians against Jewish suspects, primarily those accused of terrorism-related crimes.

Authorities also famously held a former Mossad agent known as Prisoner X incommunicado for years. The story was only even published once an Australian news outlet began reporting its details.

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Are Israel's existential threats slowly disappearing?

The former head of the Mossad says Israel no longer faces existential threats, while one of Netanyahu’s top advisors calls the Sunni Arab states of the Middle East ‘Israel’s allies.’

If there’s one thing most Israelis can agree on, it is that the world is against us. At the very least, so it goes, Israel is surrounded by enemies on all fronts, and the Jewish state’s existence is always in peril. This mantra was seared into the fabric of the Israeli consciousness from the founding of the state and persists until today.

Perhaps that is why recent statements by top-brass Israeli officials come as such a surprise. In a recent interview with Israeli newspaper Ma’ariv, outgoing Mossad head Tamir Pardo stated that while Israel still faces security challenges, it no longer faces any existential threats.

While warning that the nature of the challenges Israel must face has shifted dramatically in recent years, Pardo conceded: “Everyone knows Israel is a very strong nation. This is no longer a time when Israel, as a young state, is forced to deal with existential fears.”

Pardo isn’t alone in challenging what is just plain common sense for most people. In July of last year, Dore Gold, the director general of Israel’s Foreign Ministry and a close confidant of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, gave a presentation to the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations in New York, in which he labeled Sunni Arab states “Israel’s allies.”

Gold used the term twice in the presentation, which focused on the shortcomings of the Iran nuclear deal: “What we have is a regime on a roll that is trying to conquer the Middle East,” Gold said of Iran, “and it’s not Israel talking, that is our Sunni Arab neighbors — and you know what? I’ll use another expression – that is our Sunni Arab allies talking.”

Thus, while Dore was warning of one existential threat — a nuclear Iran — he was essentially rebutting the long-held view according to which the Arab states of the Middle East are actively working to annihilate Israel.

And while Gold did not specify which Sunni Arab nations he was referring to, his public meeting with retired Saudi general and former advisor to the Riyadh government, Anwar Eshki, at the New York-based Council on Foreign Relations in June is a sign that the former is putting his money where...

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Time to break the silence: An open letter to American Jews

The American Jewish establishment, from the Federations to synagogues, must take a look in the mirror and decide whether this is the Israel it identifies with. If it isn’t, it should speak up. Urgently. 

Dear American Jewish community,

I should start off with a full disclosure: I am only tangentially a part of you. I have been living in Israel for the past five years, and before that I was an Israeli-American living in the Bay Area (with a brief stint in Los Angeles), where us Israelis viewed ourselves as a semi-autonomous cultural group. For the most part, we were not associated with the Reform or Conservative movements. We went to pray once a year during Yom Kippur, and our Passover seders were always much more about food and togetherness than sussing out some overarching lessons from the Hagada. In fact, at times we even looked down at our American co-religionists. We were mostly Asheknazi and middle class — we had a relationship with our version of Israel that others just couldn’t understand. Like a secret we would only share with those who really get it.

It took me years to get off my high horse — to understand that American Jewish culture is a rich, varied, and beautiful thing. In fact, I finally understood that after living in Israel, where I often feel much more like an American Jew than Israeli. That is why I feel like I can write to you today.

For American Jews who haven’t been paying attention — or have simply decided to ignore what has been happening — I will politely sum it up in three words: things are bad. For Palestinians, things have been bad for much, much longer. It has been nearly five decades since the beginning of the military regime in the occupied territories. Five decades of lording over millions of Palestinians with no end in sight, and almost 70 years after we made sure that Palestinians who were expelled or fled during the 1948 War would not return to their homeland. But I can’t make you care about Palestinians. I know that so much of your identity today is bound up in Israel. My hope is that perhaps through caring about those who seek to defend human rights in the country you care so much about, you will also grow to care about those whose rights they are trying to defend.

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There is no 'day after' Netanyahu

Short of allowing Palestinians to establish an independent state, there is nothing Netanyahu won’t do to ensure his political survival.

Liberal Israeli columnist and Channel 10′s top political commentator Raviv Drucker published a piece in Haaretz Sunday, in which he waxes optimistic about the “day after Netanyahu” and who could possibly take over and bring the Israeli Right back to its proper, “sane” place.

Drucker, of course, knows that barring some unforeseen circumstances, the “day after Netanyahu” is far, far away. Far enough for him to propose Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon as Netanyahu’s possible successor. While Drucker hasn’t forgiven Ya’alon for his “remarks against the U.S. administration,” and does not see much to be proud of in the outcome of last summer’s war on Gaza, he still views the defense minister as someone who “does not hesitate in the face of court decisions ordering the evacuation of unauthorized settlement outposts.”

“He unhesitatingly came out against the far right,” Drucker continues, “stood by President Reuven Rivlin and gave the Shin Bet full support in investigating the Duma arson murders. Compared to Netanyahu, who on these issues speaks belatedly and haltingly, if at all, Ya’alon is like a breath of fresh air.”

Maybe so. But in the meantime, King Bibi isn’t going anywhere. Even within his own party, Netanyahu’s rule remains unchallenged, as we can see by the upcoming Likud primaries. As opposed to previous inner-party votes, in which members vote for the person they wish to lead the party, this time around Netanyahu will be running against himself. As Yossi Verter explains in Haaretz, a primary election that grants Likud voters the ability to either vote for a single candidate or abstain is unprecedented, not to say undemocratic.

The two Likud members deemed most threatening to Netanyahu’s rule — former Education Minister Gideon Sa’ar and current Jerusalem Mayor Nir Barkat — have also been neutralized. Like in every party, Likud’s primaries were slated to be held close to the next election. When it became clear that Barkat, who announced that he would join Likud and run in the next election — and that he had already begun to amass thousands of supporters — could pose a danger to Netanyahu’s rule, the prime minister convinced the Likud Central Committee to vote in favor of moving the primaries to next month.

The key to Netanyahu’s political survival


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Human rights groups smeared over actions of one man

Ezra Nawi, a prominent figure in direct-action anti-occupation group Ta’ayush, was secretly recorded talking about having a Palestinian man killed for selling land to Israeli settlers. In response, the prime minister, defense minister and education minister take aim at the entire Israeli Left. 

A damning investigative report has Israel’s human rights community in the crosshairs once again. Channel 2′s flagship investigative report show, “Uvda” (“Fact” in Hebrew) aired a 35-minute segment Thursday night featuring the work of a clandestine right-wing group that tries to infiltrate the ranks of Israel’s left-wing NGOs.

The group, named “Ad Kan” (loosely translated to “No More”), arms its members with hidden cameras in order to capture high-profile leftists doing or saying things they probably should not be doing or saying. This way, Ad Kan’s founders claim, it can be proven once and for all that Israeli human rights groups actually care very little about human rights.

Two employees of Ad Kan successfully infiltrated the well known anti-occupation group, Ta’ayush, which brings Jewish and Palestinian volunteers to the West Bank to work alongside Palestinians in nonviolent direct-action activities such as re-building wells that have been destroyed by the army, re-planting olive groves that have been torched or felled by settlers, or escorting Palestinian herders who have been harassed and assaulted by settlers.

One of the infiltrators, “Arik,” a fake name, eventually grows close to Ezra Nawi, one of the most prominent figures in Ta’ayush and the radical Israeli Left in general. Nawi, an Israeli Jew of Iraqi descent who is openly despised by settlers and generally revered by Israeli activists, tells Arik that he often receives calls from Palestinian land brokers who wish to sell property in the West Bank to Israelis, but who cannot do so on the open market because doing so is a capital offense under Palestinian law.

Nawi is then secretly filmed pretending to act as a middleman, telling “Arik” that is doing so in order to report the Palestinian broker to the PA’s Preventive Security Force, which he says will torture and kill both the seller and middleman.

Throughout the 35-minute report, we see Nawi meet with the middleman, “Musa,” to discuss the details of the deal. Unbeknownst to the latter, however, Nawi has already set up a plan — along with a field worker from Israeli human rights organization, B’Tselem — to turn him in...

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Will Jewish terrorism suspects get a 'fair trial?'

Had a Palestinian committed the exact same crime in the exact same location, he would find himself in an entirely different justice system. Maybe ‘fair’ is relative.

Israel’s justice minister on Sunday said she “hopes” that the alleged Jewish terrorists indicted for murdering three members of the Dawabshe family will receive a fair and just trial. Hopes.

According to Haaretz’s Chaim Levinson and Barak Ravid, Justice Minister Shaked declined to clarify whether her hope amounts to trust in the court system or whether believes the suspects will receive a fair trial. (The Justice Ministry was quick to release a tersely-worded statement, according to which the Shaked is “certain” the accused Jewish terrorists will receive a fair trial.)

If you didn’t know any better, one might conclude from Shaked’s remarks that there are suspects in Israeli courts who do not receive fair trials — or at least who don’t have equal access to the same justice system. And there are, of course. But those suspects are Palestinians.

The occupied territories, where the Dawabsha family was murdered, have two parallel, segregated legal systems: one for Jewish settlers and one for Palestinians.

Israeli settlers who commit violent acts against Palestinians — even acts as egregious as murdering a Palestinian family — are tried in civilian courts. On the other hand, Palestinians who take part in violence against Israelis — from stone throwing to shootings — are tried in military courts, where detainees have minimal rights, and the prosecution and the judges wear the same military uniform.

From every angle, a Palestinian who find him or herself in military court, has all the cards stacked against them. (For detailed explanations of why, I suggest reading this and this.)

According to Israeli human rights group B’Tselem, of 835 Palestinian minors who were arrested and tried in military courts between 2005 and 2010 on charges of throwing stones, only one was acquitted.

Most Palestinian detainees brought to Ofer military prison spend only a few minutes in front of a judge, where the hearings are held entirely in Hebrew, with translations to and from Arabic by Israeli soldiers. The pressure to take a plea deal is often insurmountable.

The legal procedures in Israeli military courts are, on the face of it, meant to ensure the rights of the accused. Palestinians can appeal rulings to a military appellate court, and the civilian Supreme...

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The uncomfortable context of Israel's book ban

The decision to prevent high schools from teaching a Jewish-Palestinian love story might sound like an innocent attempt at promoting Jewish continuity. In fact, it’s the sound of Israel’s extreme right going mainstream.

Israel’s Education Ministry announced Wednesday that it would ban Israeli high schools from teaching a novel about a love affair between a Jewish woman and a Palestinian man.

The decision was made despite the fact that the book, Dorit Rabinyan’s “Gader Haya,” was recommended for use in advanced literature classes by numerous bodies — including a professional committee of academics and educators — at the request of a number of teachers. Education Minister Naftali Bennett has backed the ban.

By preventing Israeli teenagers from reading the book, the ministry is hoping to instill in them the notion that “intimate relations” between Jews and non-Jews threaten what it calls “a separate identity.” In doing so, the ministry charged with deciding the content of Israelis’ educational curriculum has gone beyond the scope of its responsibilities and is now actively trying to influence Jewish students’ romantic decisions.

Gader Haya is far from the first Israeli novel taught in high schools to tell the story of Jews who fall in love outside the religion — sometimes even with Arabs.

To be sure, the Education Ministry’s decision has very little to do with the novel in question, and it is no coincidence that the ban pertains specifically to a book featuring a love story between a Jewish woman and a Palestinian man. This is a trope that has become synonymous in Israel with the patriarchal, racist idea that Jewish women must be protected from the savage Arab — always on the prowl for his next victim — whom he seeks to convert to Islam and steal away to his village.

If this sounds like exaggeration, it is not. A 2007 poll revealed that over half of Israelis view the marriage of a Jewish woman to an Arab man equal to national treason. Considering the country’s rightward shift over the past decade, that has likely become even more entrenched.

The Education Ministry’s decision is all the more disturbing when we consider the fact that polls consistently show that the majority of both Jewish and Arab citizens oppose intermarriage. Novels that allegedly encourage miscegenation should thus be of no threat to a population actively opposed to marrying outside the religion....

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Israeli gov't votes to support bill targeting left-wing NGOs

Proposed law would force human rights NGOs to sport special labels and badges indicating that they receive foreign funding. The bill still needs to go through committee, pass a full Knesset vote.

The Israeli government on Sunday voted to support a law targeting human rights and left-wing organizations, which European countries and human rights activists have said resemble less-than-democratic regimes

The bill, should it become law, would require NGOs that receive 50 percent or more of their funding from foreign governments to detail those sources of funding in any public reports or documents, meetings with state officials, and to wear special tags when attending legislative sessions in Israel’s parliament, the Knesset. The bill is designed to single out human rights, pro-democracy and left-wing civil society organizations.

Instituting mandatory funding labels and identification badges would project a message that human rights work is a foreign — as opposed to an Israeli — interest or agenda.

MK Ayman Odeh, the leader of Israel’s third largest party in the Knesset, described that law as another effort by the Netanyahu government to “[chip] away at what is left of the democratic space in Israel.”

The “Transparency Bill,” the latest iteration of which was sponsored by Justice Minister and Jewish Home MK Ayelet Shaked, is not the first of its kind. Netanyahu governments have been attempting to pass various versions of similar legislation cracking down on left-wing NGOs since 2011. Netanyahu eventually put the kibosh on previous attempts for various reasons.

Despite the fact that Netanyahu has blocked earlier versions of this law in the past, however, an unnamed source in the Israeli government recently told Haaretz that the prime minister would not stand in the way this time. The current version is more watered-down than previous attempts to target left-wing NGOs.

Sunday’s vote comes a week after proto-fascist group Im Tirzu launched a hateful campaign targeting Israeli human rights activists and their respective organizations, suggesting that because they receive foreign funding that they are “planted” foreign agents working to advance foreign agendas, at the detriment of Israeli security.

European Union officials harshly criticized the bill Sunday, warning Israel to be “very careful about reining in its prosperous democratic society with laws that are reminiscent of totalitarian regimes.” The United States has in the past said it was worried by Israeli legislation targeting NGO funding.

Both the United States and European Union are significant funders...

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Settlers protest alleged torture of Jewish teens in Tel Aviv

Israel’s security service, the Shin Bet, has been using torture against suspects in the arson-murder of an entire Palestinian family, their attorneys and friends allege.

Approximately 15 far-right settlers gathered in front of Israel’s national theater in central Tel Aviv Wednesday afternoon to stage a theatrical protest against Israeli authorities’ alleged use of terror against Jewish minors.

The group repeatedly blindfolded one of the protesters, placed him down on a metal bed frame and mock tortured him — while he screamed and flailed — until he ultimately confessed to some unknown crime.

Lawyers for suspects in the Duma arson, in which extremist Jews murdered three members of the Dawabshe family, have alleged that the Shin Bet is using violent and abusive interrogation methods against their clients. Authorities have been unable to gather enough evidence to try the suspects; they are all being held in administrative detention.

The suspects were allegedly prevented from seeing a lawyer until last Wednesday, prompting a large right-wing demonstration outside the home of Shin Bet head Yoram Cohen Saturday night.

Torture is illegal in Israel but the High Court of Justice has given state security services a green light to use it in certain cases by declaring that torturers can argue a “defense of necessity” after committing the illegal act. There is no shortage of evidence that the Shin Bet uses illegal interrogation methods even when it is not “necessary” but nobody has ever been convicted for doing so.

Wednesday’s protesters were all young teenagers associated with the Hilltop Youth movement — settlers who build illegal settlement outposts in the West Bank, and who are sometimes implicated in violence against Palestinians. The teens and young men unfurled banners that read, “Do not stand aside as your brother’s blood is shed,” and chanted “Do not torture Jews.”

The protest managed to attract the attention of a few passersby, some of whom looked on puzzled. Others berated the young settlers for opposing the torture of Jews but not Palestinians.

Israel has long been accused of utilizing torture against Palestinian suspects but it is almost unheard of for those interrogation tactics to be used against Jews.

The 25-year-old organizer of the protest, Tzvi Sukkot, from the settlement of Yitzhar — known as a hotbed of radical settler activity — explained to +972 explained why he thinks state security forces should treat Jewish suspects differently than Arabs.

“We came here to demonstrate what...

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The farce of catching Jewish terrorists

When it comes to Jewish terrorism the Shin Bet is either ill-equipped or totally uninterested in preventing attacks against Palestinian civilians.

After months of seemingly never-ending promises by Israel’s defense establishment, a number of Israeli youths have been arrested in connection with the arson attack in the West Bank village Duma last summer, which killed three members of the Dawabshe family.

Several young Israelis were detained for questioning in recent days over their connection to Jewish extremist organizations, says the Shin Bet following the partial lifting of a gag order. Their identity still remains under gag order.

Gag orders are commonly used in cases of Jewish terrorism, a courtesy hardly extended to Palestinian subjects of military rule. In fact, at any given moment there are hundreds of Palestinians, including minors, who Israel holds without trial. Their existence is no secret, and there is no gag order hovering over their cases. Yet how often do they make it to the front page of newspapers?

The Duma arrests come just months after Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon first claimed he knew who was responsible for the attack, yet abstained from putting anyone on trial so as not to expose the defense establishment’s source’s in court.

In fact, in the days following the attacks, Israeli authorities announced they had put three alleged Jewish extremists, two of whom are U.S. citizens, into administrative detention (a tool for imprisoning somebody without trial). The state has never actually connected those three men to the Duma murders, which makes the use of administrative detention all the more alarming.

The Duma attacks, which took the lives of 18-month-old Ali Dawabsha, as well as his mother Reham and her husband Sa’ad — leaving their four-year-old son, Ahmed, without a family — rightfully brought the issue of Jewish terrorism to the forefront of the Israeli public discourse. Yet the question remains: does the Israeli security establishment actually do everything it can to bring Jewish terrorists to justice?

It is no secret that Israel’s security services have spent the last 67 years treating Palestinian terrorism with utmost seriousness. Through building a wide network of informants, the Shin Bet has been successful in capturing or killing Palestinians who have either planned or participated in terror attacks against Israelis (“I didn’t want any more live terrorists in court…In the war against terror, forget about morality,” former Shin Bet head Avraham...

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+972 is an independent, blog-based web magazine. It was launched in August 2010, resulting from a merger of a number of popular English-language blogs dealing with life and politics in Israel and Palestine.

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