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Pride murder may force Israel’s ultra-Orthodox to face homophobia

Homophobia in the ultra-Orthodox community is primarily expressed through silence — it simply isn’t discussed. After a haredi man stabbed six people at the Jerusalem Pride Parade, that silence may have been tragically broken.

By Eli Bitan

In the summer of 2006 I first learned about gays, lesbians and the LGBT community, concepts that until then, as a 15-year-old haredi (ultra-Orthodox) yeshiva student, I was completely unfamiliar with. The haredi community made a colossal mistake that summer by launching a struggle against the international Pride Parade scheduled to take place in Jerusalem that year. The result was catastrophic for haredis in Israel: within the span of a few weeks, every haredi child learned what LGBT and Pride were, and what it means to come out of the closet. It was possibly Israel’s most successful LGBT campaign ever.

To their credit, within a month the haredis understood their mistake and decreed thunderous silence on the entire issue. The trauma is still seared into the flesh of the haredi community — almost 10 years have passed and the silence still prevails. There is no struggle, there are no condemnations, no campaigns against the LGBT community or its various parades. The reason: there is a deep understanding that struggle begets exposure, and the haredi community will do anything and everything to prevent exposure.

The haredi community in Israel is comprised of nearly 900,000 people, the vast majority of whom live in concentrated and insular neighborhoods and communities. It is characterized as ultra-Orthodox and in the Knesset, Israel’s parliament, it controls both the United Torah Judaism and Shas political parties.

The murder of Shira Banki at the Jerusalem Pride Parade last week was met with astonishment on the haredi street. The last time Yishai Schlissel stabbed people at the same Pride Parade in 2005, the entire story went over the heads of most haredis — haredi news outlets didn’t cover the stabbings and Schlissel was labeled a crazy person. Actually, Israeli society as a whole did the same, and the public discourse did not cast blame on the community from which the stabber came.

This time is different. Maybe it’s the influence of social media on the public agenda, and perhaps it s a reflection of the years since then in which LGBT rights have gone mainstream in Israel (remember that in 2005 even Shimon Peres opposed holding the Pride Parade...

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Jailing Palestinians for decades won't stop stone throwing

Instead of imprisoning stone throwers for 20 years, Israelis should push to end the policies that sow despair among Palestinians.

By Emily Schaeffer Omer-Man

In my early years as an activist and lawyer, during my first ever television interview in the field, I made the fatal and very amateur mistake of not talking in “sound bites.” When asked to talk about stone throwing at demonstrations in Bil’in, I provided an elaborate, well-thought out response describing the complex dynamics and context of stone throwing in Palestinian demonstrations across the West Bank. But that evening, my primetime debut included only one half-sentence, apparently edited to suit the needs of the station: “It is true that stones are sometimes thrown in demonstrations in Bil’in.” I was mortified, to say the least.

This article aspires to right the wrong perpetrated by a TV station that shall remain unnamed. (While they apologized for distorting my words, they never issued a correction.)

Last month the Knesset passed a bill amending Israel’s penal code, entrenching in the law more robust definitions that attach severe penalties for throwing stones at security personnel and their vehicles, as well as at civilians and their vehicles. Prior to this law there were two ways that stone throwers were criminally charged, neither of which was satisfactory to the legislators. Some stone throwers were charged with obstructing a police officer and/or intentionally sabotaging a vehicle, which lawmakers alleged was not commensurate with the gravity of the crime.

The amendment was proposed as an attempt to circumvent the issue of proving mens rea (criminal intent) — one of the basic principles of criminal law in a democratic country. The amendment creates a new offense, placing throwing stones (or other objects) or firing at a police officer or police vehicle under the category of obstructing a police officer or intentionally sabotaging a vehicle, and is it punishable by up to a five-year sentence. In addition, a graduated offense — firing a weapon or throwing stones or objects at civilian vehicles in transit in a way that endangers human life or the vehicle itself — was added, carrying a penalty of 10 years’ imprisonment. If intent is proven, that sentence can climb to 20 years.

Let’s set the record straight this time. There are three major contexts in which stones are thrown in Israel/Palestine, but only two of them seem to be the target of...

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WATCH: Breaking the Palestinian taboo on the Holocaust

Dr. Mohammed Dajani challenged one of the biggest taboos in Palestinian society when he took a group of Palestinian students to visit the death camps of Europe. Without this kind of education, he says, reconciliation is impossible.  

By Adam Grannick

In 2014, Dr. Mohammed Dajani, formerly director and founder of the American Studies Institute at Al-Quds University, stirred controversy after he led a group of Palestinian students on an educational trip to the Auschwitz Nazi death camp in Poland.

Upon Dajani’s return from Poland and in the subsequent weeks and months, he faced defamation and violent backlash, including his car being torched. “We are breaking a big taboo,” he explains. “We are challenging the collective narrative of the Palestinians regarding the Holocaust.” For him, reconciliation is impossible without this type of education.

Dajani comes from a background of strong Palestinian nationalism, and his intention was far from convincing his students to adopt the Zionist narrative. Rather, he wanted to give his students an opportunity to learn more about the conflict’s roots.

Moreover, it is difficult to deal with the idea that Holocaust education is a betrayal of the Palestinian cause. “There was a demonstration by Hamas, where they brought guns and models of rockets… and people argued that this was freedom of speech,” Dajani says. “But taking students to learn about the Holocaust, people did not consider to be academic freedom.”

Even so, the impact of the trip goes far beyond the backlash he and his students received. One of the trip participants, a young woman, emotionally explains that she “couldn’t sleep well, because of the nightmares. I felt like there were millions of people living here, and they just disappeared… in a moment.”

Dajani is extremely uncomfortable with Jews using the Holocaust “to rationalize, for [Palestinians], why they had to deport us from our homes in order for them to come and live in them. It doesn’t mean,” he insists, “that if we learn about the Holocaust we will not demand our rights, or [will] lose our national identity.”

Adam Grannick is the Multimedia Producer at the Moral Courage Project. He tweets at @moralcourage.

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+972 writer Samah Salaime given award for work on gender equality

Samah Salaime, of +972 and its Hebrew sister site Local Call, is honored for her activism advancing women’s rights in Israel by Radio a-Shams.

+972 Magazine and Local Call blogger Samah Salaime received an award last week from Radio A-Shams in Nazareth for her work promoting the status of Arab women and gender equality in Israeli society, as well as for the struggle against violence. Salaime received the award at a ceremony marking 12 years since the establishment of Radio A-Shams, the most prominent radio station among the Arab sector in Israel.

Salaime’s writing for both +972 and its Hebrew sister site, Local Call, were given as one of the reason of being awarded the prize.

Salaime is the founder and head of Na’am, an NGO that supports Arab women in Ramle, Lod and Jaffa, and by fighting against gender violence. She also works in Neve Shalom/Wahat Al-Salam — a joint Arab-Jewish village near Jerusalem. Also mentioned in the speech was her involvement in a long list of educational and social initiatives dealing with majority-minority relations in Israel society.

Other recipients of the award, bestowed annually upon Israelis who work on different issues relating to co-existence and equal rights between Jews and Arabs, include former President of the Supreme Court Aharon Barak, Avraham Burg, author Salman Natour and Sheikh Kamal Riyan.

“At a time when extremism is rearing its ugly head, we at Radio A-Shams have decided to give these awards to the same people who brighten our lives with the light of hope, and succeed against the odds to work and entrench Israeli democracy, and are committed to cooperation between the two nations,” said Radio A-Shams head Suheil Karam.

The +972 team wishes Samah Salaime congratulations! Mabrook!

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Why the Left must oppose administrative detention for Jewish terrorists

Using administrative detention on violent settlers has far more to do with a state seeking to restore its monopoly on violence than equality, Palestinian safety or an end to the occupation.

By Moriel Rothman-Zecher

Jewish extremists are suspected to have been behind the heinous murder of an 18-month-old Palestinian child in the West Bank last week. Following the murder, Prime Minister Netanyahu branded the perpetrators “terrorists.” Opposition leader Isaac Herzog proclaimed that “Jewish terrorists” should be treated just like “Islamist terrorists,” saying they should be held in administrative detention and that their families’ homes should be demolished.

This was not just empty rhetoric. A few days later, Attorney General Yehuda Weinstein approved the use of administrative detention — indefinite imprisonment without trial or indictment — against Jewish terror suspects.

It needs to be stated clearly: we on the Left —who believe in the values of human rights and democracy, and who oppose the occupation because it is a flagrant violation of Palestinians’ rights and dignity — must not hesitate in our absolute condemnation of the expanded use of administrative detention.

There is nothing progressive about the suggestion, blustered both by so-called “left-wing” leaders like Isaac Herzog and the far-right-wingers like our prime minister, that administrative detention be used against “Jewish terrorists also.” Administrative detention is a hideous and draconian practice, and allowing it to occasionally cross over ethnic lines does not make it any more humane. What it does do is retroactively and preemptively justify the use of such practices against their main target, i.e. Palestinians.

Nor should we allow ourselves to think, even for a moment, that official or government condemnations of and crackdowns on these “Jewish terrorists” are an indication of progress. They are not. If anything, they are an extension of a certain classic type of mainstream Zionist politics.

The mainstream Zionist leadership has been willing to use brutal tactics against militant right-wing Jews for nearly a century, including even assassinations before the founding of the State[1]. But neither the killing of the unnamed leader of the extremist underground cell the 1920s nor using administrative detention against members of today’s extremist underground cells have anything to do with upholding Palestinians’ rights, freedoms or lives. Rather, they are the actions of a regime unwilling to forfeit its monopoly over violence.

Last summer, Mohammad Abu Khdeir’s murder by Jewish extremists drew...

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The silent transfer of Palestinians from Jerusalem

It is no accident that eight Palestinian neighborhoods of Jerusalem wound up beyond the separation barrier. Since annexing Jerusalem in 1967, Israel has manipulated migratory trends toward an unstated goal: absorbing the land without the people.

By Betty Herschman

There are many ways to test the notion of Jerusalem as the undivided capital of Israel. One could do a comparative analysis of how much the municipality invests in East and West Jerusalem — roughly 1:9. One could drive up the road that neatly divides the bougainvillea draped neighborhood/settlement of East Talpiot and Palestinian Jabal Mukaber, a model of a neighborhood excluded from the city planning process; or consider that Palestinians, nearly 40 percent of the population of the city, are second-class residents denied the right to vote in national elections. For absolute clarity, one need only look at the eight Jerusalem neighborhoods that are located squarely within the municipal borders…but relegated to the other side of the separation barrier.

Findings from Ir Amim’s comprehensive new report, “Displaced in their Own City,” reveal that at least 80,000 and possibly more than 100,000 Palestinians — between one-fourth to one-third of the entire Palestinian population of Jerusalem, linked to the city for generations by ties of family, livelihood, economics, identity, culture, and religion — now live in these abandoned enclaves. The area of Kufr Aqab and Semiramis as well as the Shuafat refugee camp, including the neighborhoods of Ras Khamis, Ras Shehadeh, and Dahiyat al-Salaam, are totally, indisputably divided from Jerusalem by a concrete wall and checkpoints, as well as the municipality’s near complete abdication of responsibility for providing basic services, safety oversight and law enforcement.

Read the full report: Displaced in their Own City

From afar, these neighborhoods appear to be thriving; one sees a skyline of new development and ambitious construction rather than a sprawling, dilapidated favela. But zoom in and one sees that buildings are being erected within several meters of one another, with no municipal oversight to ensure basic engineering and safety standards. UNRWA’s project director in the Shuafat refugee camp estimates that in the event of an earthquake some 80 percent of the buildings around the earthquake-vulnerable camp will collapse. Miles of roads across the eight neighborhoods are unpaved, posing a severe health and safety hazard. In some places, sewage flows freely in the streets. There is...

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Who will pay the price for the Jerusalem Pride stabbing?

After today’s stabbing, it is unthinkable that life will go on as usual. Especially when the people who fuel hate and incitement still roam the city.

By Yael Marom

In Jerusalem, everything has gone back to normal. The streets are full of people and cars, apathetic toward the crime that took place here just a few hours ago, when six people were stabbed during the annual pride parade.

Instead of going out into the streets, instead of demanding that Benzi Gopstein, the head of the racist “Lehava” organization who protested against today’s parade and called it an “abomination,” instead of demanding that Jerusalem Mayor Nir Barkat take responsibility, we will gather in the city center, lick our wounds and comfort the hundreds of young people who bore witness to the horrible act.

I arrived at the Jerusalem Pride Parade just before the stabbing. I even managed to argue with several policemen who were zealously controlling entry to the march, when all of a sudden I saw a group of officers grab the stabber, Yishai Shlissel, and put him into a police car.

Not far from there, six young people laid on the ground, bleeding. Victims of another hate crime, thousands around them crying, yelling, looking for friends and loved ones, trying to locate acquaintances.

At the moment, the attacker is under arrest, unlike Gopstein and the other senior members of Lehava, who have been inciting against the march and accusing gays and lesbians of “trying to destroy the Jewish nation” over the past several days. The same people who always seem to cause others to commit acts of violence, who send young men to burn bi-lingual schools, who send young men to beat up Palestinians for dating Jewish women, and who lead racist riots that eventually culminate in cold-blooded murder while successfully evading any responsibility.

Israeli media outlets who provide this man with a platform — a man who has blood on his hands — who provide a platform to his incitement and hate speech, are only collaborating with him.

While we lick our wounds and express our deep concern for the victims, it is unthinkable that life in Jerusalem will go on as usual. This is the time to call on the LGBTQ community across the country — as well as all those who support the community and are willing to stand...

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Israel agrees to release Palestinian detainee after 42-day hunger strike

Oday Stiti was arrested and put in administrative detention late last year. After over 40 days of hunger strike, the state decided not to extend his detention. 

By Noam Rotem

Even before the Knesset passed its force-feeding bill early Thursday morning, the state reached an agreement with Oday Stiti, a Palestinian administrative detainee who went on hunger-strike for 42 days.

Stiti, a 24-year-old administrative detainee from Kafr Qud, a village near Jenin, was arrested on November 16, 2014 under administrative order, after which he went on hunger strike to protest his detention without being sentenced or put on trial. According to his attorney, Stiti was abused and humiliated by his prison guards, who would cook meat outside his cell in order to force an end to his strike.

His attorney further claimed that Stiti was prevented from showering for 12 straight days, and was often transferred from prison to prison, at which point his guards did not allow him to take basic supplies and clothing along with him.

Until recently, says his attorney, the Israel Prison Service’s preliminary condition for entering negotiations was an end to the hunger strike. On Wednesday, however, the two sides reached an agreement according to which Stiti’s administrative detention would not be extended in exchange for an end to his hunger strike. He is scheduled to be released on October 20th.

There are now three remaining Palestinian prisoners on hunger strike in Israeli prisons: Mohamed Allan, a 33-year-old lawyer from the village Einbus near Nablus, who is currently on his 43rd day of hunger strike; Musa Sufan, who is striking over a lack of medical treatment; and Abdullah Abu Jabar, who is on hunger strike to demand his deportation to Jordan upon completing his prison sentence.

The agreement with Stiti came just hours before the Knesset approved a law early Thursday morning that sanctions the force-feeding of hunger-striking prisoners in Israeli jails. The law passed by a small margin, with 46 lawmakers in favor and 40 opposed.

The so-called “hunger-strike law,” allows a judge to sanction the force-feeding or administration of medical treatment if there is a threat to the inmate’s life. This applies even if the prisoner refuses.

Noam Rotem is an Israeli activist, high-tech executive and author of the blog, subtitled “Godwin doesn’t live here any more.” This article was first published in Hebrew on Local Call. Read it here.

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Where have Israel's leftists gone? The changing face of Labor

The Labor party is convinced that it can somehow disassociate itself with the Left, call itself the ‘center’ and sneak its way back into power with semantic tricks. It will take the entire left-wing camp down with it.

By Tom Cohen

Last year, a delegation of Knesset members went to visit PLO Chairman Mahmoud Abbas. Among the MKs who participated were Hilik Bar of Labor and Tamar Zandberg of Meretz. There had been a terror attack a few days earlier and there was some pressure to cancel the visit. But MK Bar, who was the head of the Knesset’s Two-State Caucus, wasn’t deterred. A bona fide Zionist, an IDF captain in the reserves, he thought he would be immune from the accusations that would be hurled at him.

The delegation members went to Ramallah, were photographed meeting with the PLO chairman and put out press releases. But MK Bar didn’t foresee the might of the Right’s propaganda machine. A few hours after the delegation returned to Jerusalem, the settler organizations got to work: they bought up ad space in newspapers and accused MK Bar of encouraging terrorism. His Facebook page was flooded with insults, op-eds turned him into Haneen Zoabi and even some members of his own Labor party began attack him.

MK Bar still bears the scars of that visit to Ramallah to this day. He learned his lesson. Ever since, he prefers to stand with the attackers and not those under attack. In the year since, he has joined the Right in its campaign against symbolic recognition of Palestinian statehood, and just last week led a public censure of MK Zandberg in the Knesset. A complete 180. Nobody today would dare say Bar and Meretz are part of the same political camp.

Once a year, more or less, the Labor Party undergoes a shift of this sort. Today the party is identified with past social protests, tomorrow it will be with the institution’s economic reformers. Today it wants to end the occupation, tomorrow it will join the Right in its attempts to strengthen the WZO’s Settlement Division, or in its slew of legislative attempts aimed at strengthening the occupation.

The public doesn’t buy it, of course. Does anybody actually believe that Isaac Herzog — who was ready to sacrifice his top spot to Tzipi Livni, all while chasing Meretz voters — has really become the...

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Four things every Israeli needs to know about Jewish BDS activists

A recent feature on Israeli television attempted to cast Jewish-American BDS and anti-occupation activists as self-hating Jews. As anti-Semites. How dare you!

By David Harris-Gershon

A reporter from Israel’s Channel 2, Danny Kushmaro, recently visited Boston on a mission to find American Jews who support BDS and actively oppose Israel’s occupation. One of the key interviews in his resulting item was with Alice Rothschild. In the interview, in lieu of asking questions, he made accusations with statements such as: “You want to boycott me, as a citizen of Israel, and boycott my country.”

“This is coming out of a desire to move the process forward to a more just solution,” Rothschild responded. “I don’t have anything against you, and I don’t have anything against your country—”

“But you’re boycotting me,” Kushmaro retorted.

“I am not boycotting you—”

“And you don’t boycott other countries, just Israel,” he went on.

“I feel that Israel has lost its way. And it really pains me—”

“And you tell us what is the way? What is the right way?”

“I’m not telling you—”

“You, from convenient Boston? Will tell us what is the right way?”

“I am responsible, because I am funding the occupation,” she explained.

Exposing the Failed Logic

In the segment, which aired on Channel 2′s popular Friday evening show last week, Kushmaro touched upon all four logical pillars — convoluted as they are — often used to attack diaspora Jews who boycott Israel (like Rothschild). The same arguments are also commonly used against those who actively oppose the occupation and find nonviolent protests like BDS to be wholly legitimate (like myself).

Kushmaro has done us a service, by providing the opportunity to expose and undermine them in a single setting.

1) You, from convenient Boston? — The ‘you have no right’ argument

Kushmaro bristles that Rothschild would dare oppose Israel by supporting BDS, suggesting that she has no right to tell Israel what to do. However, as Haggai Matar notes in his brilliant takedown, Kushmaro doesn’t really believe she has no right. Indeed, he and other so-called ‘pro-Israel’ Jews have no problem with AIPAC or right-wing billionaires dictating what Israel should or should not do, no matter how destructive their directives. Kushmaro opposes Rothschild’s politics, not her right to express or actualize them.

And for good reason. The State of Israel, in the country’s Declaration of Independence, implored all diaspora Jews...

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Why I joined Israeli women fasting for peace, and why I almost quit

Can a peace group be apolitical? Could I be part of a movement that tries to be? Twenty-five hours of fasting and frustration.

By Shoshana London Sappir

When I was asked to join a communal fast on the anniversary of the July 2014 Gaza war, I thought it was a brilliant idea. A group of women would fast in 25- or 50-hour shifts in front of the Israeli Prime Minister’s Residence for 50 days, coinciding with timing of the 50-day conflict last year, and demanding the government pursue peace. Women Wage Peace, the group that organized the event, gave it the catchy title of “Tzom Eitan” – a play on the official name of the Israeli military operation, “Tzuk Eitan” (“Protective Edge” in English, literally “strong cliff”), but with the word for “fast” replacing the word for “cliff.”

Having just returned from my 25-hour fast, I would like to share my experience, which was at times uplifting and at times disturbing. At times I was on the verge of quitting, going home and eating. But in the end I stuck it out till the end of my fast, and then some. I spent most of the time in conversation but also in heated arguments. I left feeling physically weak and politically confused.

The action spoke to me on many levels: I thought of it as a political protest with religious undertones. I felt in communion with Gandhi, hunger strikers in prison, and the noble tradition of nonviolent resistance. I loved that the dates coincided with the Muslim fast of Ramadan and the Jewish fast of Tisha b’Av. I signed up.

Armed with my conviction and a big sun hat, I arrived at the designated time and took my place in the protest tent, in the same location where I have attended countless demonstrations against war, occupation, racism, vandalism of churches and mosques, the government’s economic policy over the past 35 years. Over the next 25 hours, however, I would learn that the group that organized the action had very different ideas about its meaning than I did, to the point that I almost quit. But every time my doubts surfaced, so would supporters who dropped in and encouraged me to stay, expressing identification with my message and respect for my action.

Supporters came and went, some for minutes and others for hours, appropriately making the experience feel like sitting...

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Despite the devastation, Gazans see no alternative to Hamas

A year after Operation Protective Edge, I traveled from Israel to visit my family in the Gaza Strip, where Palestinians are suffering from high rates of unemployment, violence, and drug use.

By Thair Abu-Rass

This past week I experienced one of the most formative events of my life: a three-day visit to Gaza for the Eid al-Fitr holiday, which marks the end of the holy Muslim month of Ramadan. Entering the “largest prison in the world,” as Gaza’s residents call it, came after the Israeli authorities’ eased access for family visits between Israel and Gaza.

I am a quarter Gazan: my grandmother’s family was expelled from the southern village Hirbiya in 1948, where the kibbutzim of Zikim and Karmia lie today. Overnight, my father’s family went from being landowners near Ashkelon to refugees in Jabaliya, Shuja’iyya and Khan Younis. For many years, we were forbidden from visiting our family members in Gaza, and only last week did we finally receive a permit to enter.

The Israeli government has become friendlier with the Hamas government in Gaza, and as a result the former has issued more entry permits into the Strip. According to reports, over 500 Israeli citizens received permits to visit family members during the holiday, leading to the the highest number of Israeli citizens in Gaza since the disengagement in 2005.

Unemployment, drugs, and violence

Israel and Hamas’ relationship is a direct result of the stagnation we have been experiencing since Operation Protective Edge. Israel cannot find an effective way to make the Hamas regime crumble, and the movement itself is struggling to maintain a normal life for the residents of the Strip as a result of war and a shortage of goods.

Israel and Hamas’ new policy is a blessing. However, if both sides are truly interested in long-term calm, they must first deal with the daily struggles of the average Gazan as I witnessed them.

The most important, strategic challenge is unemployment. Although no official statistics have been published, one can assume that the vast majority of Gaza’s residents, and especially those under 40, are unemployed. In every single home I visited, most of the people were unemployed, and the phenomenon especially affects women. The lack of jobs is a direct result of the destruction of Gaza’s infrastructure during the war, and the freeze on funds slated for the Strip’s rehabilitation....

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A bad deal? Diplomacy saves Israel from taking military action against Iran

The Vienna deal prevents the introduction of a new nuclear power in the Middle East, halts the nuclear arms race and saves Israel from using military force on Iran. So why is Prime Minister Netanyahu still so opposed to it?

By Shemuel Meir

Let’s set aside the mantras about the Iranian nuclear deal, that it is a “bad deal — an historic mistake.” The agreement signed on July 14 blocks Iran’s path to a nuclear weapon; it not just temporarily freezes its progress. The agreement includes clauses that refer to 10, 15 and 25 years — but blocking Iran’s path to the bomb is permanent. The concessions that Tehran made were bigger than anything any of the commentators in Israel predicted.

Before getting to the positive consequences on Israel’s security, it should be emphasized that negotiations between Iran and the world powers was about the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons — not other topics that certain actors tried to make the deal about. Our discussion here is about the results of the deal in relation to the goals of the negotiations, e.g. non-proliferation.

The Vienna agreement — known in diplomatic jargon as a JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action) and not a treaty that requires U.S. Senate ratification — is a multi-faceted agreement regulating Iran’s civilian nuclear program, which prevents the emergence of a new nuclear state. The detailed text and monitoring mechanisms are unprecedented in nuclear history. That is what strategists — as opposed to politicians and media commentators — are referring to when they describe it as an historic agreement. The agreement disperses the cloud of ambiguity that has loomed over the Iranian nuclear program for the past decade. There is no military fissile material — there can be no bomb. At the end of the process laid out in the agreement, Iran will be again a Non-Nuclear Weapon State (NNWS) in the NPT as all the others in this category.

I recommend reading the 159 pages of the report. Very few people in Israel have done so. For the sake of a fact-based discussion instead of the mantras and metaphors that have dominated the discourse in Israel thus far.

Dismantling the heavy water reactor in Arak and the establishment of a smaller reactor in its place. The destruction of the reactor core in Arak (one of two critical targets in the “military option”) and the permanent...

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+972 is an independent, blog-based web magazine. It was launched in August 2010, resulting from a merger of a number of popular English-language blogs dealing with life and politics in Israel and Palestine.

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