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New children's book revives legacy of Jewish-Muslim coexistence

On the backdrop of rising discrimination and violence against Israel’s Arab citizens, a new children’s book invokes the spirit of friendship between Arabs and Jews, giving us at least one thing to look forward to in 2016. 

By Yoni Mendel (Translated from Hebrew by Ami Asher)

A new children’s book, “Sweet Tea with Mint And Other Stories” is being released in a climate of increasing discrimination. With the Education Ministry excluding books from its curriculum out of fear of “miscegenation,” at a time of record low of Arabic proficiency among Jews, and with the images of Jews dancing and stabbing photos of Palestinian babies still fresh in mind — this book is perhaps the only good reason to look forward to 2016.

Until this very moment, I have been struggling to understand why reading the book brought a tear to my eye. Was it because of one of the passages in the book? Because of the simple human gesture it describes? Or perhaps because of the Israeli reality into which it has been released? Either way, the birth of this book is nothing short of a miracle.

The reality in Israel of 2016 is a sea of hatred between Jews and Arabs, with attempts by demagogic politicians, researchers and “interpreters on Arab affairs” to prove that we are in the midst of a so-called “clash of civilizations” with Islam. It is a country that, since its very beginnings, has consistently sought to ignore the Arab-Jewish culture. A country run by a man who, just last March, encouraged Jews to vote in the elections because “Arab voters are heading to the polls in droves.” This is the dark reality in which a collection of stories and legends written and translated by Jews and Palestinians proud and courageous, a collection of stories and legends written and translated by both Jews and Palestinians is being published. Every story is published in Hebrew and Arabic.

What will Bennett say?

Sweet Tea with Mint And Other Stories is a collection of stories that invokes the Jewish-Islamic bond, and more generally the legacy and friendships between Arabs and Jews. It also includes the values shared by followers of Islam, Christianity and Judaism; the social responsibility we have for all inhabitants living in the same country; the value of equality regardless of ethnicity and religious affiliation; the moral requirement and the obligation to protect and fight...

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Who receives more foreign funds: The Left or the Occupation?

The Israeli government is up in arms about the foreign funds propping up human rights organizations. Guess what else foreign cash props up: the occupation.

By Dror Etkes

The road between the Nablus-area villages of Bazaariya and Deir Sharaf was once narrow and in a state of disrepair. Not anymore. Also the road that historically connected Ramallah and Nablus was pretty dilapidated, until several sections of it were widened and repaved. Today they are wide, modern roads like those leading to and within Israeli settlements. These roads are not just anecdotes — dozens of roads have been upgraded, repaved and widened throughout the West Bank.

The residents of Husan village, west of Bethlehem, also have good news to celebrate: a 50-year-old Jordanian minefield, just a few dozen meters south of homes in the village, is being cleared, which means that the village residents will be able to securely access their lands that were off limits until now.

And then there is the vast improvement in the provision of potable water to homes in many of the villages south-east of Bethlehem in recent years. New wells were dug in the area, where Bedouin from the Rashaida tribe live, and pipes leading to villages in the area were installed.

And trash as well: household waste from Bethlehem and Hebron districts (along with trash from the nearby Israeli settlements) is now being brought to a modern site, “Al Minya,” east of Palestinian Tuqu’, and Salfit’s wastewater is now being pumped in an underground pipe to the village of Burkin.

These projects were designed to improve — and indeed, they are improving — the infrastructure serving the West Bank’s millions of Palestinian residents. But all of those projects also have two other things in common:

A. They don’t in any way threaten the Israeli-settler hegemony in Area C (61 percent of the West Bank — read more about the administrative divisions of the West Bank here.)

B. They didn’t cost Israeli taxpayers a single cent. They were all funded by foreign countries, organizations and funds that operate in the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

Entrenching the occupation, sponsored by foreign funds

It turns out that also in this context, the schizophrenic Israeli moral compass makes a distinction between international involvement that Israel is interested in, and that which it isn’t interested in. The Israeli government, and its justice minister, Ayelet Shaked, who sponsored Read More

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The children who won't let us forget the occupation

A six-year-old Palestinian girl was run over on a main road while begging for change in northern Israel. She is one of many Palestinians sent over from the West Bank, where both poverty and despair is only growing.   

By Yasmine Halevi

The above photo is of Fatma from Hebron. She is six-and-a-half years old and she has a full time job. She was smuggled to Israel over a month ago, and since then she has been begging for change at the Kafr Kara junction in northern Israel. She sleeps in either a nearby mosque or the adjacent town of Barta’a — it isn’t exactly clear. She hasn’t had a shower in a while, and most of the time she is hungry.

Her parents likely earn 30-50 shekels a day from this job, and there are many like her. Up until a few months ago, young boys sold lighters and pens at the junction, but following the latest wave of violence, they were replaced by skinny, dirty girls who stand around with sad eyes, looking disheveled and exhausted.

Many who drive through Wadi Ara see these children. They know this “phenomenon,” their hearts sink. First off, children who walk around a main road are in constant danger. Secondly, the sight is simply horrible. Of course there are cynical, shameless parents who make money off of their children. But perhaps the father is in prison? Maybe he is dead? Maybe there is no mother around? What if they live in the street?

What do we know?

The Israel National Council for the Child advises not to give these children money so that they do not keep coming back. This is a classic response by those who have it all. What if these children face abuse for not bringing back enough money? Maybe they will be refused food? What about the NIS 40 they bring home, which could be used to buy a few pieces of bread and a liter of fuel in the freezing winter? The council does its best to care for Israeli citizens using the shrinking budget allotted to it from the Israeli government. The police cannot do a thing. The welfare authorities have their hands full — and when every third child in Israel lives below the poverty line, what will we do with the Palestinians?

The locals are shocked by the sight. They are upset by...

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PHOTOS: A modern genocide — Yazidi survivors in Shingal

Text and photos by Seth J. Frantzman

In August 2014 the extremist group calling itself Islamic State (ISIS) swept through a part of northern Iraq inhabited by the Yazidi religious minority. ISIS had already broadcast to the world their intention to exterminate “un-believers” and those they opposed. They had massacred 1,600 Shia army cadets at Camp Speicher on June 12, 2014 and ordered all Christians to convert or leave their homes through the areas they controlled. In August the crimes became even more brutal as they massacred men and elderly Yazidi women and sold an estimated 5,000 women into slavery. Many Yazidis describe the mass killings as a genocide. Seventeen mass graves were found around the town of Shingal (Sinjar in Arabic), after it was liberated by Kurdish peshmerga forces. In mid-December of 2015, a year and a half after the massacres, I went to northern Iraq see for myself.

Refugees as far as the eye can see

Since August 2014 around 250,000 Yazidis have been forced to flee their homes and become refugees. According to Vian Dakhil, a Yazidi member of Iraq’s parliament, more than 85 percent of the Yazidi people are not living in these kinds of camps. Some of them are seeking better lives in Europe, which means a perilous voyage through Syria or Turkey to Greece. At this camp of 20,000, young girls and boys sold phone cards and men sold live chickens ($3 a kilo). A boy butchered the chickens on a cardboard box next to his father’s truck. Yazidi girls who were enslaved by ISIS and raped but managed to escape or are freed return to their families in these camps where there are scant services to help them through their trauma. A documentation center in nearby Duhok records their stories.

 

The doctor on the mountain

Khansa Shamdin, a Kurdish woman, was a deputy head of surgery in a Syrian hospital before she fled the regime of Bashar al-Assad. On the 15th of September she volunteered to be helicoptered in to Mount Shingal, which was surrounded by ISIS, to help Yazidi refugees. Around 20,000 Yazidis had refused to flee the mountain, preferring to live and die closer to the homes they had fled. Shamdin says she sees around 120-150 patients a day and provides free medicine, funded by the Barzani Foundation. She now has a small caravan which is parked near the summit of the mountain, in the...

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+972's Story of the Year: The Right has officially taken over

Save for the brief episodes of the Rabin and Barak governments, the Israeli Right has been in power since 1977, on its own or in partnership with Labor. In the 70s and 80s the right- and left-wing blocs were relatively balanced, but over the past 15 years the Likud, along with all its various off-shoot parties, has been the unchallenged, dominant force in the Israeli political system. In this process, 2015 will probably be remembered as a key year. The Right is in the driver’s seat, alone.

Twelve months ago some people believed the tide had turned. The Gaza war ended, and despite all the destruction Israel left in the Strip, things looked pretty similar to where they stood before Operation Protective Edge. A wave of protest was being waged in East Jerusalem once again. Most importantly, there seemed to be a genuine sense of fatigue from Benjamin Netanyahu’s leadership and the imperial style it has taken in recent years. An uncharismatic Labor leader, Isaac Herzog, was rising in the polls. Netanyahu’s greatest asset has been the status quo – the sense of tranquility and prosperity Israelis enjoyed despite the lack of progress on the Palestinian issue – but things seemed different in the winter of 2014. International pressure was mounting and violence began claiming the lives of Israelis once again.

Faced with those challenges, some thought Netanyahu would change course. Instead, he chose to double down. On the eve of the elections, the Israeli prime minister took his battle against the Obama administration to Washington. Back home, he fanned the flames of Israel’s culture war and mobilized his base with talks of a “leftist takeover.” On Election Day, he posted a video in which he warned Jewish Israelis that Arabs were “voting in droves.”

Netanyahu later suffered some criticism for his words, but his fear and hate tactics worked. The Right won in a landslide victory, with 67 out of the Knesset’s 120 seats going to right-wing or Orthodox parties. The Likud received close to a million votes — and 30 seats. If it hadn’t been for a radical right-wing party that didn’t make the election threshold of 4 percent, the results would have been more one-sided.

Yet the Likud’s victory wasn’t as important as the way it won the elections. This was a violent campaign — including unseen-before incitement against left-wing Jews...

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The EU might fund leftist NGOs, but Israelis fund the occupation

A proposed law would force human rights NGOs to sport special labels indicating that they receive foreign funding. Maybe it’s time to talk about what kind of policies Israeli taxpayers are funding.

By Mossi Raz

I said it before and I’ll say it again: Justice Minister Ayelet Shaked’s “Transparency Bill” is a semi-fascistic law that harms democracy and silences dissent in a way that is reminiscent of Putin’s Russia.

The legislators of the bill have an advantage over the Israeli Left in nearly every aspect: they have organized settlements in which the residents pay municipal taxes that go toward the settlers’ political struggle; they have national service that is made up largely of the religious, settler community; they have the Settlement Division; and most importantly, they have the Knesset Finance Committee. With all these billions of shekels, why are they jealous of the morsels Europe gives to left-wing NGOS?

Today I prefer to write this article differently: there is no shame in accepting money from European governments who seek justice and peace. Personally, I am willing to walk around with a tag that says “Funded by the European Union,” even though this isn’t true at all (as someone whose salary is paid for by the Meretz party, I am not allowed to receive any foreign funding).

People who receive foreign donations for their political campaigns and West Bank settlements — which sometimes come from decent people, other times from criminals, sometimes from normal public institutions, other times from fanatic anti-Semites — are those who need to feel ashamed of their funding sources. Where did we get this twisted idea that private money, no matter where it comes from, is more acceptable than public money? In the eyes of the Right, the money of a criminal is better than the money of a government that has been democratically elected and promotes policies of justice.

I always thought about how the average Israeli taxpayer funded West Bank settlements all while settler leaders incited against Yitzhak Rabin during right-wing protests. Meanwhile, European countries funded memorial events for the slain prime minister. I always thought it was a good idea to expose what the Israeli government paid for versus what other foreign governments funded. Maybe then someone would start to realize what is actually taking place here.

While I walk around with my tag, Foreign Minister Shaked will be forced to walk...

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Palestinian journalist on hunger strike to protest admin detention

It took Israeli authorities weeks to even tell Muhammad Al-Qiq why he is being imprisoned without charge or trial — ‘incitement.’ He has been on hunger strike for 32 days.

By Yael Marom and Noam Rotem

Palestinian journalist Muhammad al-Qiq, 33 from the Hebron area, has been on hunger strike for 32 days — since Israeli forces arrested from his home without explanation last month. Al-Qiq, a reporter who works for Saudi news station Almajd, was transferred to the medical center at Ramle Prison early last week.

Immediately after his arrest, al-Qiq was taken in for interrogation at Israel’s Kishon (Jalame) detention center, where he was not allowed to make contact with either his wife or his attorney for many days, his lawyer said through the Palestinian Prisoners Club (PPC).

Four days after his arrest, during which the authorities refused to provide a reason for his detention, al-Qiq began a hunger strike, according to the PPC. His attorney, Salah Ayoub, has submitted a complaint to the Israel Prison Service detailing violence allegedly used against al-Qiq during the interrogation, and demanding to know why he wasn’t notified that his client had launched a hunger strike.

Al-Qiq was not permitted to meeting with his attorney for a weeks, and only after three weeks was Ayoub notified that his client was being interrogated for “incitement.” Due to the lack of evidence, his attorney was informed, interrogators threatened al-Qid with extended imprisonment under administrative detention. That threat became reality this week: authorities placed al-Qiq in administrative detention for a period of six months, which can be renewed indefitinely.

Al-Qiq has been held in solitary confinement, according to the prisoner advocacy group. He was only transfered to the medical facility at Ramle Prison after authorities believed his hunger strike had became life threatening. Al-Qiq’s hunger strike follows the Irish model, which means drinking only water without any additives or salts.

According to the World Medical Association, after 18 days, a hunger striker will have lost much of his body weight, will suffer from dizziness, will begin to feel faint, and may suffer from shakiness, unsteady gait, and a slowed heart beat. After day 35, the situation gets far worse.

The Shin Bet claims that al-Qiq is a member of Hamas who was previously jailed several times due to his activities in the organization. His current arrest, according to the Shin Bet, came following “founded...

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What U.S. Jews must do to fight anti-Muslim bigotry

I’m proud of American Jews mobilizing to fight Islamophobia. But to fully fight hate, U.S. Jews must confront the role pro-Israel organizations continue to play in spreading anti-Muslim bigotry.

By David Harris-Gershon

Anti-Muslim rhetoric coming from American lawmakers and presidential candidates reached a fevered pitch earlier this month when, standing before a cheering crowd aboard the USS Yorktown in South Carolina, Donald Trump called for a “total and complete” ban on Muslims entering the United States. This call came on the heels of Trump and Ben Carson calling for mosques to be monitored, Senator Marco Rubio suggesting that places where Muslim-Americans gather be shut down, and hundreds of lawmakers voting to turn away Syrian refugees.

These anti-Muslim policies, and the Islamophobia at their core, no longer reside on the fringes in America. They have seeped into the mainstream. Today, a majority of conservative voters support them, and poll numbers often rise for those Republican politicians who choose to double down by exploiting anti-Muslim sentiments. Such policies — and the hateful incitement politicians use when proposing them — are inspiring horrific hate crimes against Muslim-Americans. In the week after Trump’s Muslim ban comments, a California mosque was torched, an Arizona mosque was vandalized, two Muslim women in Florida were violently attacked, a Muslim deli owner in New York was beaten, and a Muslim child in Georgia was asked by a teacher, “Do you have a bomb in your backpack?”

I have been heartened in recent weeks to see many Jewish leaders and pro-Israel institutions, shocked by the historical reverberations, stand up for Muslims under attack. After all, in 1939 it was Jews fleeing Hitler who were demonized and blocked from reaching America’s shores. This stuff hits close to home for American Jews. Which is why 11 Jewish groups, including the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), recently signed a letter to Congress declaring that “to turn our back on [Syrian] refugees would be to betray our nation’s core values.” It is also why the ADL was quick to blast Trump last week.

However, such public pronouncements, as wonderful as they have been, conceal a troubling truth which the institutional Jewish community and U.S. Jews invested in Israel must confront if we are to root out anti-Muslim bigotry: in the post-9/11 era, pro-Israel donors, institutions and the Israel lobby have often fueled the...

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More and more Israelis are being imprisoned without trial

Out of 402 people Israel was holding in administrative detention at the start of November, at least 31 were citizens or residents of Israel. Over the past decade, Israel has held 3,761 people without trial.

By Noam Rotem

Israel held at least 31 of its own residents and citizens in administrative detention during the month of November, according to a Knesset Research and Information Center report obtained by +972’s Hebrew-language sister site Local Call. That is a very large number when compared to the number of Israelis who have been held in administrative detention in recent years.

According to the report, which was composed at the request of MK Basel Ghattas (Balad/Joint List), four of the administrative detainees are Jews, six are Palestinian citizens of Israel, and 21 are Palestinian permanent residents of Jerusalem. When you include Palestinians from the West Bank, Israel was holding a total of 402 administrative detainees as of the start of November.

Other reports indicate that the number of administrative detainees has increased even more in December.

Administrative detention is an extreme measure for revoking someone’s freedom without putting them on trial or even presenting any evidence or accusations he or she can contest. It is supposed to be used only in extraordinary circumstances.

The legal authority for putting Israeli citizens administrative detention is drawn from the 1979 “Emergency Regulations” law, which is valid as long as the country remains in a “state of emergency.” Israel has been in a declared “state of emergency” since May 15, 1948, the same day it declared independence.

For non-Jewish, non-citizens of Israel living under Israeli military rule in the West Bank, the authority is drawn from Military Order 1651, which bestows the regional military commander with the authority to issue administrative detention orders.

In both cases, the duration of detention is limited. Authorities can issue orders for up to six months of detention without trial, but there is no limit on how many six-month orders can be issued.

According to the Knesset Research and Information Center report, of the 402 total administrative detainees, more than 75 percent (303 individuals) have been in detention without trial for more than six months. Forty percent have been detained without trial for over a year, and 2.5 percent for over two years.

None of those 402 people have been charged with a crime and none of them have had an opportunity to...

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+972 Magazine's Editor's Picks of 2015

As 2015 comes to a close, +972 Magazine’s editors and bloggers look back at the year that was, and share the articles that most resonated with them – in no particular order.

By +972 Magazine Staff

Meet the new generation of Palestinians in Israel

To most Jewish Israelis they don’t have names or faces. At worst they are rioters and stone-throwers waving Palestinian flags; at best they are a discriminated-against minority. Henriette Chacar sat down with four young, prominent, politically active Palestinian citizens of Israel to discuss their demands, their identity, how they are different than the generations that preceded them, and their hopes for Palestinian politics in both Israel and Palestine.

 

The Long Road to Bethlehem

+972 blogger and Jewish-American-Israeli journalist Mya Guarnieri never had an easy time living in Israel. She quickly found herself feeling that she was on the wrong side of the Green Line so she decided to move to Bethlehem. But navigating Palestinian society as a Jew, living with the haunting tribulations of the occupation and trying to make work a relationship of which neither society approved didn’t turn out to be much easier. Join Mya in her six-part autobiographical series, which might just be one of the best things you read this year. Start reading part one.

Palestinians enter the main checkpoint separating Bethlehem and Jerusalem. (Activestills.org)

 

Saying goodbye to Reham Dawabshe

One of the biggest news stories of this past year became more personal for Samah Salaime than she could have ever imagined as she found herself becoming closer and closer to the Dawabshe family, even as three of them lay in the hospital fighting for their lives after an arson attack on their home. After spending hours upon hours at their bedside, especially that of the mother, Reham, Samah found herself a part of the story: “Fate brought me to Reham Dawabsha’s hospital bed after she and the rest of her family were burned alive in their home. We had never met before, but something kept bringing me back to see her.” (Read also: Translating a Palestinian family’s grief for Netanyahu)

 

The youth of East Jerusalem have lost all hope

East Jerusalem erupted back in 2014 following the brutal murder...

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It's time to challenge Israeli militarism from within

The Left must fight the urge to exclude those who haven’t served in combat roles from voicing their opinion on the occupation.

By Michal Rotem

Several weeks ago, Israeli Police prevented Israeli human rights group Breaking the Silence from organizing a talk in a pub in Be’er Sheva. After a court backed the decision to bar the event, the organizers decided to move the talk to two different apartments in the city. I came to show my support, but ended up staying outside with some Breaking the Silence activists.

A few days later I recalled to a friend how those two hours outside the apartment made me feel like I was doing reserve duty. Perhaps this was my preparation for Breaking the Silence’s response to the recent campaign of incitement against human rights activists by far-right group Im Tirzu, which included photos of brave-looking soldiers in uniform, claiming that those who served in combat units have more legitimacy to talk about what is happening in this country than those who served behind a desk, or those who didn’t serve at all.

As I clicked through the different photos proudly published on the organization’s Facebook page, I understood that if you were an officer in the IDF, your voice matters more. If you are an Arab and served in the army, you are an exception, and if you were an elite unit, then your words are worth much more than those who served in noncombatant roles.

According to Breaking the Silence’s website: We endeavor to stimulate public debate about the price paid for a reality in which young soldiers face a civilian population on a daily basis, and are engaged in the control of that population’s everyday life.” According to the organization’s recent campaign, it seems that some people are simply less worthy when it comes to taking part in this public discussion.

When an organization like Breaking the Silence creates a hierarchy of voices, it is taking part in the oldest trick in the fascist book, putting many of us — supporters of the organization — beyond the pale of legitimate discussion. Even if the intention was to oppose the founders of Im Tirzu, the idea that anyone who did not serve in the occupied territories cannot criticize the organization or its members reveals what lies beneath surface.

I don’t think anyone in Breaking...

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The forced transfer of Palestinian detainees — why it matters

International law is clear that prisoners should not be transferred outside of an occupied territory — both to allow their families access to them and to prevent forced population transfer. But that’s not all that’s at stake.

By Gerard Horton

Palestinian children detained in the Israeli military detention system should be held in facilities located in Palestine, as opposed to Israel, in accordance with international law, UNICEF recommended in its 2013 report, Children in Israeli Military Detention (2013).

The latest figures released by the Israeli Prison Service (IPS) indicate that since UNICEF made this recommendation the percentage of Palestinian children being transferred to prison facilities inside Israel has actually gone up. To make matters worse, the military authorities have informed the UN agency that they have no intention of changing the policy.

Does this matter?

To answer the question – does it matter? – it is worth briefly considering the legal provisions that prohibit transfer and understand why they were thought necessary in the first place. Article 76 of the Fourth Geneva Convention (the Convention) (see also Article 49) specifically prohibits the transfer of protected persons accused or convicted of offences from occupied territory.

It is unnecessary to consider whether or not the Convention applies to the Israeli/Palestinian conflict or the status of Palestine as occupied territory as both these issues have been authoritatively determined by the UN Security Council in legally binding resolutions putting the question beyond any reasonable dispute.

The articles of the Convention are accompanied by a commentary provided by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), whose role includes monitoring compliance of warring parties with the Convention. The commentary makes it clear that the prohibition against transferring protected persons from occupied territory, for whatever reason, stems from the experiences of the Second World War when mass transfers in Europe were commonplace.

Determined to avoid repeating these experiences, the authors of the Convention voted unanimously in favor of prohibiting unlawful deportation or transfer, including the transfer of detainees, and designated the practice as a “grave breach” of the Convention requiring severe penal sanctions as a deterrent.

In order to appreciate just how serious some signatories to the Convention view the practice of unlawfully deporting or transferring protected persons, legislators have passed laws which provide that any person who commits, or aids, abets or procures the commission by...

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A small step toward recognizing the Nakba

Putting up signs marking destroyed Palestinian towns and villages could bring about a more moral discourse about the Nakba and its victims.

By Eitan Bronstein Aparicio

About two weeks ago, far from the public eye, something with potentially far-reaching and serious consequences occurred in Israel: An inspector on a local planning committee recommended that a sign be placed at a site slated for development in the city of Ashkelon, mentioning the Palestinian town of Hamama that stood there until 1948.

The inspector’s recommendation came in response to an objection to the development submitted by De-Colonizer, a research and art laboratory for social change based in Israel, as part of a public campaign that has been joined by hundreds of people in Israel and around the world.

In his recommendation the inspector wrote: “A museum will, if it is built, note the site’s Canaanite, Philistine, Phoenician, Hellenic, Roman, Byzantine, Arab and Crusader heritage, and/or a sign will be put up mentioning the town of Hamama next to the vegetation from that time: cactuses, and so on.”

This is a significant leap forward. Until now not a single member of Israel’s planning establishment has ever officially suggested commemorating a Palestinian town destroyed by Israel during the Nakba. Proposals to put up such signs come from outside the establishment, generally as a way to criticize the powers that be.

Such suggestions and activities are generally viewed as provocation. Hundreds of unofficial signs put up by groups such as Zochrot, which seeks to bring awareness of the Nakba and Palestinian refugees to the Israeli public, were taken down a short time after appearing.

The idea of putting up signs in recognition of Nakba villages and towns was originally developed by Zochrot, along with a small group of Israelis who met in Tel Aviv in December 2001 to discuss the topic.

That discussion revolved around a text I had written, which included the following point: “Mentioning destroyed Palestinian villages through erecting signs marks another effort to bring civil and national equality in Israel. Physical signage of the villages and a public discussion about the Palestinian Nakba will encourage a more moral dialogue, in which the suffering of victims and the desecration caused will be recognized.

“This public recognition is an expression of a genuine desire for reconciliation. The visibility of the destroyed villages could move the Jewish public into a liberating process of confronting...

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+972 is an independent, blog-based web magazine. It was launched in August 2010, resulting from a merger of a number of popular English-language blogs dealing with life and politics in Israel and Palestine.

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