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It's time to recognize the State of Palestine, Mr. President

How Barack Obama can save the two-state solution before he leaves office.

By Sam Bahour

President Obama promised that as soon as the Iran nuclear deal is closed he will refocus on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Given this shift of focus is now in sight, Obama should grant U.S. recognition of Palestine as an independent state, albeit a militarily occupied one. Such an elementary step is long overdue and may be the sole act that saves the two-state solution.

Palestine will never be a complete nation state if required to negotiate its statehood with its military occupier Israel. Without the immediate altering of the dynamics of the conflict, extremism is almost guaranteed to begin pouring into the Palestinian community and Israel. Any further deterioration of the situation on the ground could lead a future Republican president to send U.S. boots to protect Israel. That would be a colossal mistake.

Recognizing Palestine would not be such a groundbreaking move. In 2013, 138 countries recognized Palestine as a non-member state in the United Nations. Only the United States and eight others have not. Over 130 states have already bilaterally recognized Palestine, including the Vatican. The United States has been on the wrong side of history for so long on this issue it has lost strategic standing in the Middle East and across the globe. It will continue to do so unless it makes an abrupt about-face.

Obama started his presidency with a clear focus on reviving the peace process. One of his first acts as president was to appoint former Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell as special envoy for the Middle East. Then Obama traveled to Cairo to deliver a policy speech where he said, “America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.” Next, Obama took on Israel’s non-stop illegal settlement building in the West Bank and in that debate he made clear that “to ensure that Israel is safe and secure” efforts must be made to “set the stage for a Palestinian state.”

All of these initial overtures to restart the peace process were noble ones, but they all failed. Mitchell resigned in utter frustration, America turned its back on Palestine and focused on Iran, and illegal Israeli settlement building picked up its pace.

More recently, in the fall of 2013, Obama deployed Secretary of State John Kerry to make...

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Five years on: Why the Arab Spring is here to stay — and win

Despite highly destructive counter-revolutionary forces like a-Sisi in Egypt and ISIL in Iraq and Syria, there are grassroots movements across the region demanding governments that serve the people — all of the people.

By Yoav Haifawi*

On Friday, August 28, 2015, demonstrators in southern and central Iraq (those parts of the country not under “Islamic State” control) held their fifth consecutive “Friday protests” against government corruption, lack of basic services and the sectarian structure of power sharing.

On Saturday, August 29, Lebanon’s “You Stink” movement held its largest demonstration yet in “Martyrs’ Square” in the middle of Beirut – undeterred by the security forces’ violent response to its previous, mostly-peaceful protest. The movement raised the political barrier of its slogans from concentrating on the trash collection crisis to outright calls for toppling the sectarian regime and the establishment of a secular state.

This new wave of demonstrations is a good time to look back and see where the Arab Spring has brought us so far, almost five years after its eruption. After such a long period of struggle, we should already understand why it is not going away in spite of the enormously murderous and destructive force of the counter-revolution.

The expected and the extraordinary

I was not surprised when the Arab Spring broke out at the beginning of 2011. It had already been in the air for at least 10 years.

How long could more than 300 million Arabs be robbed, humiliated, oppressed and kept quite under imperialist hegemony, Zionist colonialism and local Arab tyrants? While the rest of the world was rapidly changing, the system of control in the Arab World froze in the 1970s and remained still for 40 years.

The population became more educated and sophisticated, the economy was modernizing, and the spirit of the era spoke about democracy and human rights. The various regimes were out of step with their peoples. Oil money was being used to defend the interests of ever-smaller elites.

So, back in the winter and spring of 2011, when the masses of protesters poured into the streets and squares of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, Bahrain and Yemen, it only seemed natural.

But after almost five years of bloody battles, looking at the new wave of peaceful mass struggles evolving in Lebanon and Iraq today, I’m filled with new admiration for the Arab masses and new hope and optimism about the fate...

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Why is a settler council reaching across the Green Line?

Located inside Israel proper, a tent encampment belonging to residents of a yet-to-be-built Jewish town — meant to replace an existing Bedouin village — is being managed by a West Bank settler council.

By Noam Rotem

The state’s behavior in the saga of Umm el-Hiran, a small Bedouin village inside Israel’s sovereign borders, is in many ways reminiscent of the way it builds settlements on the other side of the Green Line, in the occupied West Bank.

Expulsion orders, reneging on past promises, ignoring local leaders, ignoring the needs of the local population, and bringing in a Jewish population to replace it. In this case, the name of the Jewish settlement meant to replace Umm el-Hiran is “Hiran.”

It should come as no surprise then, that despite the fact that the town is on the Israeli side of the border, the governing regional council that won a bid to manage the camp in which Hiran’s (future) residents are living — until they can move into their new homes on the ruins of Umm el-Hiran — is none other than the Hebron Hills Regional Council. In a strange act of reverse annexation, a town inside Israel proper has been annexed to a regional council in the occupied West Bank.

Before we can go on, however, here is a quick summary of this history of Umm el-Hiran: Long before the establishment of the State of Israel, members of the al-Qi’an tribe lived in an area called Khirbet Zubaleh. In 1948, the Israeli military government forcibly moved the Qi’an tribe to the location where they live today. (Their former land was given to Kibbutz Shoval as agricultural land.) This forced land “swap” is well documented in state archives, but despite the fact that the Qi’an tribe was settled in its current location by the state itself, its homes have never been connected to the electricity or water grids.

Some four months ago Israel’s High Court of Justice ruled that the state can change its mind and take back the land it gave to the al-Qi’an tribe. In place of their current village, Umm el-Hiran, from which they are to be expelled, a new township for religious Jews will be established. For the past few years, Hiran’s future residents have been waiting for their new homes at an encampment in the adjacent forest of Yatir.

On the last day...

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Privatizing Israel's migrant care puts profits before people

On paper Israel’s for-profit manpower agencies act as job providers for impoverished groups from third world countries. In reality, they are the drivers of a system that harms workers, employers, and the state.

By Abigail F. Kolker

In Israel, there are some 60,000 migrant caregivers, comprising the largest group of documented migrant workers in the country. These workers provide individualized, home-based care for the elderly and severely disabled. The vast majority (over 80 percent) of these workers are women, mostly hailing from the Philippines, Nepal, Sri Lanka, India, and Moldova.

The recruitment and monitoring of migrant caregivers is controlled by private, for-profit manpower agencies. These agencies are responsible for recruiting qualified workers from abroad and matching them with a compatible employer. Most importantly, they are required to monitor the employment situation to make sure the workers’ rights are being upheld and that the employers are receiving quality care.

Unfortunately, because agencies are privatized, these important matching and monitoring duties are secondary to their main objective: profit. While agencies do charge employers nominal fees, their main source of income comes from the illegal recruitment fees they collect from workers abroad. Migrant caregivers pay between $5,000-$13,000 for a work visa; the average amount is continually rising, with no sign of slowing down. Interestingly, standard fees vary by country of origin, with South Asian migrants paying the most. These fees corrupt the entire caregiving industry, for importing new workers becomes an ends rather than a means for manpower agencies. This leads agencies to skimp on their aforementioned monitoring responsibilities and creates a whole host of problems for the worker, the employer, and the state.

The perverse financial incentives of private manpower agencies are detrimental to the workers. The agencies’ inadequate concern with their duty to monitor labor standards infringes upon workers’ rights and can result in devastating situations in which verbal, physical, or sexual abuse goes unreported. Even when violations are acknowledged, monetary incentives distort agencies’ obligation to be neutral mediators of conflict. As the employer is their main client and workers can be replaced easily, agencies sometimes tell caregivers to have “patience” in the face of minor abuses, delayed payments, or denial of social benefits.

Brokerage fees limit workers’ freedom of choice of employment and increase their susceptibility to abuse, exploitation, and irregular status. The debt incurred by these fees can take years to pay off, during which time workers are may...

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Business as usual for children arrested by the IDF

Despite lofty promises and pilot programs aimed at improvement, evidence points to little change in the patterns of abuse Palestinian children are subjected to when arrested by the Israeli army.

By Gerard Horton

The Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs announced in March 2013 that it would study the conclusions of a UNICEF report on children held in military detention which found that ill-treatment appeared to be “widespread, systematic and institutionalized” and work to implement them through “ongoing cooperation” with the UN agency. Two-and-a-half years on and around 2,250 arrests later, there is new evidence as to how this “cooperation” is progressing.

To begin with, the number of children arrested at night appears to have jumped from 51 percent in 2013 to 65 percent today. One possible explanation for the jump is that the military authorities appear to be issuing far fewer summonses than last year, relying instead on the army breaking down doors in the middle of the night rather than parents bringing their children for questioning during the day. The latest evidence also indicates that with an increase in night arrests, more children are being transferred on the floor of military vehicles from their homes to interrogation centers – something a summons can make redundant.

The number of children who report being painfully hand tied and blindfolded has remained fairly constant, but there has been a small increase in the percentage of children who report being subjected to physical violence during their arrest, transfer and/or interrogation. Most children continue to report being shown, or made to sign, documentation written in Hebrew at the conclusion of their interrogation and a majority continue to be strip searched in a humiliating fashion on arrival at a detention facility. Also as in the past, around 50 percent of children are still being unlawfully transferred to prisons inside Israel in violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention and Rome Statute.

However, there is one benchmark that appears to show some improvement since the UNICEF report and that relates to the number of children now being informed of their right to silence. Back in 2013, the percentage of children informed of this right was basically none. Now, the percentage has jumped to 28 percent. Unfortunately, on closer inspection even this ray of hope ultimately disappoints because first, 78 percent of children are still being...

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The farce of Israel's 'voluntary deportation' policy

After fleeing Eritrea and being tortured in Egypt, the Israeli government gave Daniel two choices: either voluntarily deport yourself to Rwanda or go to prison.

By Sigal Rozen

“You see this one? When they’ll come to take everybody, this one I’ll hide in my home!” told me Yossi, owner of a shop in south Tel Aviv, and one of the leaders of the campaign against the “infiltrators” as he pointed at his employee, Daniel (not his real name). During Knesset hearings, Yossi would talk about the Eritrean infiltrators who get drunk, start fights and leave broken bottles and blood stains next to his shop. Yet he loved and appreciated his hardworking Eritrean employee.

When the Holot detention facility was established, they didn’t take everyone. There is no room for everybody. When the orders to go to Holot came, Yossi didn’t hide Daniel, and the latter obediently headed for the detention facility in the middle of the desert. While in Holot, Daniel once again applied for asylum after realizing that his previous attempts did not suffice.

Reading the 37 pages of Daniel’s asylum interview made me shiver. Daniel informed the interviewer, who was acting as a hostile interrogator, that he was forcibly drafted into the Eritrean military at the age of 16 and served for 11 years. In 2007 he was wrongly accused of defecting from the military — although he was inside Eritrea at the time, serving his country as he was ordered. Fearful of what will happen to him, Daniel fled to neighboring Ethiopia. During the crossing, Eritrean soldiers fired at him, according to the shoot-to-kill policy at the border, but he escaped unharmed.

Daniel reached the Shimelba refugee camp in Ethiopia and from there walked to Shagarab refugee camp in Sudan. There, along with other Eritrean friends, he paid Bedouin smugglers from the Rashaida tribe to smuggle them to Libya, en route to Europe. “They told us they’ll take us to Libya, but they took us to Egypt,” Daniel told the interviewer from the Interior Ministry. “Egyptian soldiers who caught us and locked us up in a prison for a month… we didn’t know we’re going back to Eritrea. The Red Cross was there and told us to sign papers and that’s how they returned us.”

Daniel doesn’t add any details about the harsh detention conditions in Egypt, nor about his fear of being...

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'They're butchering us — only open borders will save us'

When refugee migration was confined to Turkey and Greece, European leaders stood silent. Now, as hundreds of thousands of refugees stream into Western Europe, those same leaders are being compelled to act. Despite media alarm over a ‘humanitarian crisis,’ only a political solution will remedy the situation. ‘We need the borders to remain open.’

By Shahar Shoham (translated by Gila Norich)

BUDAPEST — When visiting Budapest’s central train station two days prior, I noticed only a scant number of journalists; this despite the presence of thousands of refugees, hundreds of children among them, living on the streets — some for longer than a week. Those walking toward the train station would never have know that hidden there, just below street level, were thousands of asylum seekers in need of protection.

Fast-forward two days to last Wednesday. By then, anyone passing the Keleti station would clearly be able to observe what is being repeatedly termed “the biggest refugee crisis since World War II.” Now, at street level one finds a chaotic mix of television crews, news announcers and reporters in suits and ties, broadcasting against a backdrop of refugees and dozens of Hungarian police.

Between camera tripods, I see a mother and three young children sitting on a blanket; then, a line of police blocking the entrance to the train station. Behind them is the departures board. In front of them are dozens of refugees, many bearing signs, left over from a recent demonstration, that read “Help” and “Germany,” the destination which most are trying to reach. The demonstration, which ended just a few hours earlier, was organized in protest of the decision not to allow refugees board the trains.

A political — not a humanitarian — crisis

The three Syrian brothers I interviewed two days prior were no longer at their spot beneath the main exit sign. Did they board a train for Austria during those few hours when Hungary finally began allowing refugees back into the station? Had they been stopped by Hungarian authorities and sent to the refugee camps, forced to register [for refugee status]?

In “refugee language,” registering is referred to as “giving your finger” — in other words, providing the authorities with your fingerprints so that you can be put into the extensive European databank called EURODAC.

Every refugee I spoke to at the station made sure to tell me whether they had or...

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Mother dies of wounds from Duma arson; MKs lament lack of arrests

Reham Dawabsha is the third fatality from the attack by Jewish extremists in late July. Authorities used the attack as an excuse to increase counter-terrorism authorities but haven’t made any arrests in the case.

By Yael Marom

Reham Dawabsha, who was seriously burned in an arson attack by Israeli extremists in the West Bank village of Duma 39 days ago, succumbed to her wounds early Monday morning. Reham, who turned 27 on Sunday, was mother to one-and-a-half-year-old Ali, and husband to Sa’ad, both of whom were also killed in the terrorist attack on their home.

She is survived by four-year-old Ahmed, who is in currently in serious condition at Tel Hashomer Hospital in central Israel.

Doctors at Tel Hashomer summoned Reham’s family members on Saturday following a serious deterioration in her condition. The family brought cake to celebrate Reham’s birthday, and she died a short time thereafter.

+972 blogger Samah Salaime has been in close contact with the family ever since the attack in late July and was with the family Saturday night.

Although four-year-old Ahmed Dawabsha is still classified as being in serious condition, he is slowly making improvements, managing to communicate with those around him in recent weeks. He has begun asking to speak with his mother and father, asking where they are.

At six in the morning on the last day of July, still-unidentified attackers threw Molotov cocktails into the Dawabsha family home in Duma. The attackers spray painted “revenge,” “the messiah lives,” and left stars of David on the scorched home’s walls.

Responding to the news of Reham’s death Monday morning, a number of MKs expressed outrage and lament that authorities have not arrested a single person in connection with the deadly arson that Israeli officials are calling a terrorist attack.

Zionist Union MK Zouheir Bahloul said: ”Thirty-nine days and three family members dead and still not one arrest or even a lead about who is responsible for this inhuman and barbaric act.”

“More than a month has passed and the murderers are still free, terrorism and hate crimes against Palestinians continue to take place, and nothing has changed,” Joint List MK Aida Touma-Suleiman said. “The policy of occupation is what sprouted the Dawabsha family’s murderers and it is responsible for the death of Reham, Sa’ad and Ali.”

Israeli law enforcement and domestic intelligence authorities expanded the use of rights-violating practices such...

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The Bedouin children trying to stop bulldozers with their cameras

As the bulldozers start building the Jewish town of Hiran, the children of the Bedouin village Umm al-Hiran are joining the struggle to save their homes. 

By Michal Rotem

The children of the unrecognized Bedouin village Umm al-Hiran started their summer vacation in an usual way. The future of the village in which they grew up in is unclear, the struggle against the demolition of their homes is gaining traction, and the bulldozers are working tirelessly nearby to establish the Jewish town of Hiran.

Despite the fact that the Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality organizes its yearly photography workshops during the summer, it was clear that this year it was of utmost importance to do it in the summer, despite the heat.

In May, Israel’s High Court of Justice refused to cancel eviction orders against Umm al-Hiran, home to 700 men, women and children of the al-Qi’an tribe. The state wants to demolish the village and relocate the Bedouin residents to the town of Hura – for the sole purpose of building Hiran over its ruins. Umm al-Hiran’s adjacent sister village, Atir, will also be destroyed to expand the man-made forest of “Yatir.”

Those who came to last week’s protest against the bulldozers, which are working hard to build the new Jewish town, were surprised to find children with cameras strapped around their necks, documenting the demonstration from every possible angle.

Over 10 meetings, volunteer photographers taught the children how to work the camera and take photos. This was also an opportunity for the photographers themselves to come to Umm al-Hiran and photograph what is happening. In one of the meetings, the children themselves went to the bulldozers and began taking photos, surprising the policemen who were sent there to stand guard. The children, and the adults who followed, demanded that the building cease until all sides reach an agreement that will allow the residents to continue living in their village.

The workshop was made possible due to a successful Headstart project, which was able to fundraise enough money to put on two workshops. Now, the Negev Coexistence Forum for Civil Equality is organizing another Headstart project to fund future workshops.

Israel’s High Court will decide in September whether to hold another hearing — this time with an expanded panel of judges — on the validity of the eviction notices. Furthermore, Adalah — The Legal Center for Arab...

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WATCH: Masked settlers attack Palestinians at Hebron checkpoint

Masked Israeli settlers attack, pepper spray Palestinians detained at the Beit Hadassah checkpoint in Hebron. Palestinian activist: ‘Had a Palestinian attacked the settlers, the entire neighborhood would have already been punished.’

By Yael Marom

A video released Saturday shows four settlers violently attacking two Palestinians who were detained by Israeli soldiers near the Beit Hadassah settlement in the city of Hebron.

According to the organization “Youth Against Settlements,” whose activists filmed the incident, two Palestinians were detained by Israeli soldiers near Beit Hadassah on Saturday, an area known for settler violence. The Palestinians began arguing with the soldiers when four settlers who were in the area intervened. According to the Palestinian activists, tempers began to flare and the four settlers went into Beit Hadassah, only to come out a few minutes later with their faces covered.

The video, shot by one of the YAS activists shows the masked settlers assaulting the Palestinians (one of the soldiers seems to be caught in the confrontation) and pepper spraying one of the Palestinians in his faces as he attempts to flee.

According to Israeli news site Walla!, the IDF claims that one of the detained Palestinians had been summoned for interrogation — most likely for throwing stones — and that the police force of the Judea and Samaria district has opened an investigation on the matter. Youth Against Settlements activist Issa Amro claims that the Palestinian arrested on Saturday is a tour guide who passes through the checkpoint on a regular basis. Amro told +972′s sister site, Local Call, that although the video of the attack was passed on to the police, not a single settler has been arrested. “The police said that arrests are made only after Shabbat,” Amro said, adding that he doesn’t understand why it is okay “to attack people on Shabbat, but not to arrest them on Shabbat.”

“Had a Palestinian attacked the settlers, the entire neighborhood would have already been punished,” added Amro. “All the Palestinians in the area would have been detained and the soldiers would have gone from home to home. If the police and the army won’t stop settler violence against Palestinians, their violence will only get worse. In the end it will only cause those who are routinely attacked to use violence against the settlers.”

Yael Marom is Just Vision’s public engagement manager in Israel...

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Nothing to be done about the near-kidnapping of a Palestinian child

When Israeli civilians try to kidnap a Palestinian child, the police do their best not to investigate.

By Yesh Din, written by Yossi Gurvitz

The date: December 19, 2014. The place: the AM/PM convenience store outside the West Bank village of Hawara. Majed Musa AbdAziz As’ous parks his vehicle across the road from the store, making certain the windows are open, and goes in for a quick purchase. In the front seat on his right sits five-and-a-half year old N.; two other children sit in the back seat.

As the father crosses the road, an Israeli vehicle — As’ous would later remember it being a red Subaru Justy, along with a few numbers from the license plate – with four young, Israeli men swerves into the scene. The Subaru parks near As’ous, with its back window adjacent to the windshield of As’ous’ car. The Israeli in the back seat of the Subaru leans across the window, seizes N., and tries to pull him into the Israeli vehicle.

Hearing N.’s terrified screams, As’ous runs back. He manages to see the Israeli vehicle escaping, only to catch a glimpse of the man who almost kidnapped his son. As’ous lodges a complaint with the Palestinian police the following day, which transfer it to the Israeli District Coordination Offices (DCO).

In February 2015, two months after the incident, the complaint makes it to the Israeli police, which then pretend to investigate the case. They take As’ous’ testimony, who tells the cops he knows of another witness whom he can locate. In a second interview four days later, police investigator A.A. asks As’ous whether there are security cameras in the area — he says he thinks there are.

At this point, a reasonable man would assume A.A. would turn to the AM/PM shift manager, identify himself as a policeman, and ask for the relevant tapes. A.A. assumed that the chance that there is little chance these tapes exist (personally, I believe that his assumption was sound — too much time had indeed passed). Furthermore, wrote A.A. in a memo, it is not at all likely that the cameras actually covered the road area; from his rich experience, he believes they mainly cover the cash registers. Thus, A.A. decided not to look into the issue at all.

Rewind, slow motion: the crime – the attempted kidnapping of a child; the response of investigator A.A. — not...

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Why Syrian refugees in a Budapest train station talk about coexistence with Israel

At the central station in Budapest, blankets strewn across the floor form the makeshift homes of thousands of asylum seekers. Most are trying to get to Western Europe by any means necessary, but all paths are blocked. ‘Whoever helps us, we’ll be grateful to them for generations. And if help comes from the Israeli people, that would signal a new beginning for our two nations.’

By Shahar Shoham (translated by Gila Norich)

BUDAPEST — The refugee “crisis” in Hungary is making headlines the world over, especially following the discovery last week of a truck containing the bodies of dozens of refugees who died of asphyxiation. Most refugees arriving in Hungary treat it as a stop, part of a longer journey to Western Europe. Thousands are taking temporary shelter in one of Budapest’s three main train stations. It is believed that the truck in which the bodies of the 71 asylum seekers were found had left one of these stations, Keleti, before being discovered a day later on the Austrian side of the border. On Tuesday morning, at the central station in Budapest, Hungarian officials suspended trains bound for Austria and Germany for several hours.

Refugees seen at the central train station in Budapest. (photo: Shahar Shoham)

Those arriving at Keleti station, the largest of the three, would think there had been a ruckus over nothing. Like most European central train stations, all that is seen from the outside is an impressive, ornate building. But a few more strides toward the station reveals something else entirely. Downstairs, in a kind of well or atrium just below street level, I see thousands of refugees, thousands of blankets, tents, women, men, children running around. There is a strong stench, disorder, and confusion. Classic Europe high above; chaos lying just beneath it.

The lower level of the train station links directly with the entrance to the underground metro station. Tourists leaving the train station unexpectedly run into the refugees, and I watch their mouths drop in astonishment. Some pause for a second, trying to process the images before their eyes. A few backpackers stop to play with the kids, their packs still strapped to their backs. Most continue on, whether to the wine festival in the plaza of the big cathedral, or simply to wander by foot...

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The day after is here: What the Iran deal means for Israel

With at least 34 votes in the Senate, the Iran deal is a fait accompli. Netanyahu will continue to enjoy a reprieve from pressure about the peace process as a result of the diplomatic energy being spent on implementing the Iran deal and Obama’s efforts to push it through Congress. Israel will also, however, face increased pressure regarding its own nuclear arsenal as part of a renewed Iranian push for regional disarmament.

By Shemuel Meir

The discourse on the nuclear deal between Iran and the Western powers continues to change. Opponents of the agreement are waging a last-ditch attempt to present a “better deal in place of a bad deal” — but the community of independent experts on nuclear proliferation understand that the Vienna Agreement blocks Iran’s path to a nuclear weapon. Those who are not driven by ideological-political considerations understand that the deal does not temporarily freeze Iran’s nuclear progress for 15 years, but rather it establishes the country as a Non Nuclear Weapon State (NNWS) according to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). It is a deal that does away with the ambiguousness of Iran’s nuclear program over the last decade. The deal creates a new paradigm in which “there is no nuclear weapon in Iran” is the order of the day.

Over the past week, the deal’s opponents in the U.S. and Israel have attempted to take advantage of the public’s ignorance about the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) in order to make it seem like the agency’s inspection regime relies on self-supervision by Iran. The story was a final, failing attempt to tear apart the heart of the agreement, which in reality is based on an intrusive monitoring regime. It must be noted that the IAEA is responsible for continuous supervision of every nuclear facility, including the Parchin military complex, through its special equipment.

Furthermore, every IAEA inspector worldwide was professionally trained in the Los Alamos National Laboratory in the United States, which is responsible for producing America’s nuclear arsenal. This means that the U.S. will be present, even if indirectly, in the monitoring delegations in Iran. According to the agreement, only inspectors from countries that have diplomatic relations with Iran will be able to enter, hence the re-opening of the British embassy in Iran and the re-establishment of ties between the two countries will allow British IAEA inspectors to take part. On the...

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