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A Palestinian state is in Israel's best interest

Forget the Right’s fear-mongering: by disarming Hamas and establishing a joint force in the Jordan Valley, a Palestinian state will only serve as a security asset to Israel.

By Ilan Baruch

When it comes to its enemies, Israel has always had a tendency to define threats against its security according to military and terrorist capabilities. The motivation to harm us is viewed as axiomatic, and there is no point in thinking twice: every military or terror capability can be put down with our own military actions or deterrence.

Israel will always prefer the military solution when possible, while ignoring the question of our policies’ influence on the motivations to fight us. This is where our biggest source of denial comes from. Hamas is portrayed by both the media and the security establishment as an enemy that threatens to destroy Israel. Therefore, we must always respond to our enemies with military strength alone. Is it possible that not a single person in the country’s political echelon who believes that the security establishment’s focus on military strength only increases the hatred against us?

In these past elections, right-wing propagandists, led by Netanyahu, repeated the mantra that the establishment of a Palestinian state within the framework of “two states for two peoples” will constitute a threat to Israel’s existence. Experience shows, they claimed, that all territory that we have evacuated has become a base for terror against us: south Lebanon, Gaza.

The Right provides voters with a political-security outlook convinced that the conflict cannot be resolved. Where exactly did the Zionist Camp tell its voters that a lack of a Palestinian state only worsens our security situation, and that its establishment as a result of a viable agreement is in the best interest of the state’s security?

Both the outgoing and incoming Netanyahu governments worship the status quo for the sake of maintaining stability. According to Netanyahu, a peace process that will lead Israel to evacuate the West Bank will rip from Israel’s hands the means of security and transfer them over to the Palestinian government. The Palestinians will not know how to block terrorist groups such as Hamas or Islamic State. Thus, the establishment of a Palestinian state, at this moment, undermines Israel’s security interests.

The Palestinian leadership sees things differently. It chose security cooperation as the only option for promoting Palestinian interests....

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Finding my family in Yarmouk — then losing them again

Six decades after the Nakba forced us into different corners of the world, social networks allowed us to reconnect with our families and villages. In Yarmouk, I found the people I should have grown up around—the ones who looked like me and my immediate family. And then war broke out in Syria, Facebook went dark and people disappeared, once again. 

By Samah Salaime

Those who do not have family members in Syria’s refugee camps can watch the atrocities taking place on the news from far away, as if it were all just one big Hollywood horror movie: one that causes deep anguish for just a few hours. But those who do have family and friends living on Haifa Street—the main road in Damascus’ Yarmouk refugee camp—or those who receive a photo of a body that looks an awful lot like an acquaintance of yours, the news coming out of Syria leaves a deep, psychological scar that is nearly impossible to deal with.

My parents, who were born when the State of Israel was founded, raised us on the backdrop of a story of refugees, the expulsion of the Palestinian people and the remains of a Galilee village that stand like a monument. Without photos, names or the residents themselves. We knew that most of our family is over there in Syria and Lebanon, and that we are here.

However, things have changed over the last few years due to social networks. I wasn’t the only one to discover those around whom I was supposed to grow up. I found relatives who are similar to my father, whose looks explain the shape of my nose or my late uncle’s full, straight hair. We got excited as we Skyped with people who told us all the latest stories and gossip. We learned who married whom; who found a Syrian wife who agreed to marry a Palestinian refugee; who is cheap and who cooks well; who studied medicine and who is the brilliant engineer. We learned that our village is alive and kicking in Syria.

Almost every Palestinian village destroyed in 1948 has its own Facebook group. The streets in Al-A’adin (“the returnees”) and Yarmouk are named after the different villages and cities that used to be home to the refugees: Tiberias, Haifa, Acre, Lubya, Al-Juwara and more. Our village even has its own women’s group on...

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If only there was oil under Yarmouk

As Palestinians are being murdered and starving to death in the refugee camp near Damascus, the Arab world is busy intervening in Yemen, the Palestinian Authority is silent, and Israeli television is talking about where to eat during the Passover holiday.

By Samah Salaime

Monday morning, on the morning show on Israel’s Channel 10, which was co-hosted by the station’s military correspondent because the regular hosts are on vacation, they were supposedly discussing recommendations for the Israeli holiday traveler. After describing Israelis on vacation as ugly and litterers and more, the hosts recommended places to see and good places to eat.

As one might expect, most of the restaurants their guest culinary experts recommended represented the Arab kitchen. They went from Acre to the Galilee to Tiberias, and then Or Heller, the military correspondent, asked the two guest chefs for recommendations of places to eat in the Golan Heights. One of chefs, Haim Cohen, thought for a second and then answered, “Syria. But’s a little difficult [to get there],” adding that “the Syrian kitchen is excellent!”

The host, Or Heller, kept the jokes coming. “Yes, in the Yarmouk Camp … well ISIS are the only ones eating there.” Making fun at the expense my people in the camp that has been under siege for three years really got to me. I got up and went to the kitchen without changing the channel and listened to the rest of the program from afar. And then, another half-joke comes out of the television set, this time as part of their map of holiday traffic jams, about what icon Waze should have to indicate where ISIS is in the Yarmouk Refugee Camp. I couldn’t get over the anger and the pain, and wasn’t able to continue by daily routine.

People don’t understand just how bad the situation is in the Palestinian refugee camp in Syria. Tens of thousands of Palestinians, famished and under attack, are sitting prey for a group of fighters/rebels/terrorists/Assad supporters. We, the Palestinians, and the entire world, don’t really know who’s against who or what they are guilty of. There have been more and more reports of bodies, horrifying murders and wounded in recent days.

When the war in Syria began three years ago, we, the Palestinians here in Israel, were angry at them, with utmost self-righteousness, that they didn’t join the revolution against Assad. Later we understood their immense...

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Is J Street trying to rebrand Palestinian liberation?

As liberal Zionism finds itself in the middle of its latest battle for survival, J Street reconsiders forbidden alliances and what it means to be ‘pro-Israel.’

By Soleiman Moustafa

Sitting on every seat in the massive auditorium hosting the opening session of J Street’s 5th annual conference last month was a bookmark emblazoned with the a map and the motto “know your boundaries.” The “pro-Israel, pro-peace” lobbying organization designed a map of Israel with both Palestinian territories partitioned out in green, with Syria’s Golan Heights included in Israel’s boundaries without caveat. Looking up, the auditorium was enveloped in a comforting blue-and-white glow, invoking Israel’s national colors, the American and Israeli flags standing proud at center stage. For an organization ostensibly gathered to push an agenda of Palestinian statehood, any and all symbols of Palestine were conspicuously absent from the impressive display.

The J Street leadership is in the process of testing its own limits, and the demands it has made of its constituency — and of the international community — are rapidly changing. Once-forbidden phrases like “Israeli apartheid,” “resistance to occupation,” and “the Gaza massacre” would make repeated cameos throughout the conference, reflecting a desire to include “the Palestinian narrative” for both strategic and moral purposes. In doing so, however, J Street’s pro-Israel agenda ironically finds itself drifting toward the language and tactics of Palestinian resistance.

The conference occured in the context of an impressive turnout of Arab voters in Israel’s recent parliamentary election, surging the Joint List forward to the third-largest party in the Knesset. This has forced left-wing Zionists to consider how they can “properly” incorporate the Palestinians they once ignored into their political calculations. At a panel hosting a facsimile Knesset debate, one Arab panelist was told to forsake her ties to ”extreme” Arab politicians if she wants to work with the mainstream Jewish political parties. This same demand would later be made of Palestine Liberation Organization negotiator Saeb Erekat, referencing the formation of a Palestinian reconciliation government with Hamas.

This struggle between Israeli centrists and Palestinian leftists frequently spilled over to the primarily American audience. Erekat roused repeated standing ovations with impassioned calls for peace at a pulpit that was far more receptive to his ”non-violent resistance” than the Labor party. Nabila Espanioly spoke of a civil rights struggle to change Israeli security discourse, well aware that Palestinians now have a critical opportunity to secure their own interests among a left-wing Zionist mainstream.

Reframing Palestinian liberation in Jewish terms

“It’s a very nationalistic thing for me,” Alliance for Middle East Peace director Huda Abuarquob told me after a breakaway session on the danger of Israeli settlements in the West Bank. “I take advantage of every opportunity to spread my message, and consider this my...

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Israeli fakes own kidnapping, Palestinians pay the price

Israelis were enraged by the ‘prank’ yet somehow managed to ignore the army’s violent response of house-to-house searches, closures and arrests.

By Yael Marom

About the same time that news of a nuclear deal with Iran made its way into the headlines Thursday night, reports came out about the suspected kidnapping of an Israeli in the West Bank. Irregular details about the case immediately raised the suspicions of the security establishment, and when Israelis woke up Friday morning it turned out that 22-year-old Niv Asraf had not been kidnapped as feared. The whole thing was a prank of sorts, meant to impress a special someone.

Since it became clear that Asraf caused an entire country to mentally prepare for another war for no reason, everyone seems to be angry. Those who initially prayed for his safe return are now wishing him death. Their reasoning: a huge waste of resources and taxpayer money. There are also those who are upset he put IDF soldiers in harm’s way.

Israelis were enraged by Asraf’s “prank” yet somehow managed to ignore the army’s regular, violent response. Media outlets failed to report on the fact that thousands of people were put under collective punishment Thursday night, and how, once again, they were the victims of searches, checkpoints and arrests — because they are Palestinians. Because the ends justify the means. Because they are used to it. What difference does it make? And, let’s face it, they deserve it.

In times like these, like during last May’s Operation Brothers Keeper (officially a search operation for three Israeli teenagers who were kidnapped in the West Bank, although we now know that the government knew they were murdered from day one), I cannot help but remember the terrible murders at the Bar-Noar LGBTQ center in Tel Aviv in August 2009. It was a hate crime and an act of terror in every sense of the word, during which a man walked into a place full of teenagers and shot them just because they were LGBTQ. He escaped.

Imagine if Israel had implemented the same standard practices it uses in the occupied territories to catch the the Bar-Noar murderers. Tel Aviv would have been put under closure and special forces would have combed the streets, going door to door with their guns drawn, arresting people left and right. But that didn’t happen. No one thought to collectively...

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In the occupied West Bank, even hiking is political

For many Palestinians, recreational hiking is an odd thing to do. The political geography makes it complicated and Israelis and Palestinians fight over the right to mark trails. And yet, a hike through Wadi Qelt is still worth it.

By Angela Gruber

Two young Palestinian guys pass by, not looking all too interested in our hiking group, though their facial expressions betray a distinguishable touch of bewilderment. Our routes cross on a small, dusty trail in the Wadi Qelt in the Jordan Valley. As quickly as they appeared, the two men disappear in the other direction.

Hikers are a rather extraordinary appearance in the West Bank. “Walking around in nature for fun is not something a lot of Palestinians do,” our guide, Suhail Hijazi, explains. Hikers asking local Palestinians for directions might be surprised when the response arrives as a politely suggest to take a cab.

And while hiking may seem like an apolitical activity, in the West Bank politics always find a way in. The small hilly territory is, after all, an intricate patchwork of visible and invisible boundaries interspersed with Israeli army checkpoints, fenced off settlements and closed military zones. There are few marked paths and the political geography makes things even more complicated.

Expanding the net of hiking trails in the West Bank is a contested endeavor: when Palestinians recently marked a trail that briefly overlapped with an existing Israeli trail, it didn’t last very long. The Palestinian white-green-white tags were smashed out of the stone one night; the Israeli signs were left untouched by the — unknown — vandals.

One of Hijazi’s favorite hiking tours leads through Wadi Qelt, a dried-up canyon east of Jerusalem. The 15-kilometer hike snakes alongside an old Roman aqueduct.

Steep, craggy slopes tower above us as we make our way past small oases, camels resting in the sand and simple Bedouin houses. The windows in the unplastered concrete walls had no glass in it, giving the houses a slightly unfinished look. Peeking through one, I could see a dim, almost empty room with a matress in one corner and a small, wooden table in the middle of the room. Like most places in the Middle East, hiking through Wadi Qelt weaves together breathtaking landscapes, a storied history and biblical narratives. Jesus is said to have traveled through the valley within a valley, and it is supposed to be where the narration...

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The lie Israel sold the world — settlement 'outposts'

The Israeli government’s policy proves that the outposts are effectively settlements – only you’ll never hear them being called that. 

“The outposts are not ‘hilltop youth.’ It is a carefully planned seizure of strategic points, the outposts have been coordinated with the prime minister.” – Adi Minz, former Yesha Council Chairman, 2004.

By Yossi Gurvitz for Yesh Din

Israel has not  officially created new settlements since 1996. This is an international guarantee made by the government. Creating a new settlement requires a government decision, and with three exceptions (the legalization of the outposts Bruchin and Rechalim, together with Nofei Nechemia, and Sansana in 2013), no such decision has been taken. Effectively, however, there are about 100 unofficial settlements in the West Bank. Officially, they are illegal. Officially, there are demolition orders against all the structures within these unofficial settlements. Practically, they get unceasing support from the government, without which they could not exist.

These settlements are euphemistically (and innocently) given the title of “outposts.” Their history begins two years after that government decision, when former Foreign Minister Ariel Sharon called upon the settlers to storm the hills and take them over. What you seize, we’ll keep, he told them. And thus the outpost movement was born.

In 2005, the Sasson Report on outposts was presented to the government; in its honor, Yesh Din recently published a new position paper titled, “Under the Radar.” Sasson had already identified the new settlement method at the time: the entire Israeli establishment more or less aids and abets the creation of outposts. After the land grab by Israeli civilians, the IDF promptly provides them with protection. Then, other authorities make sure water and electricity are provided. A short while after that, we have “facts on the ground,” which require legal procedures to change (procedures that can take years in the court system).

Even when it is clear that construction there is illegal, no one is put on trial – there is no single Israeli unit in charge of enforcing construction regulations in the West Bank. Recently, the High Court of Justice accepted the position of the State’s Attorney, according to which those in charge of the illegal construction of Ulpana Hill in Beit El should not be tried. The government used the stunning excuse: since it never indicted anyone for this offense, it may be that the suspects will attempt to claim...

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Our elected officials boast about deporting genocide survivors

Israel’s leaders are proud of themselves for deporting asylum seekers, while the state continues to trample over their rights and deceive them. What have we come to?

By Moran Mekamel

On Tuesday, it was announced that the government is planning to forcibly deport Eritrean and Sudanese asylum seekers to “third countries.” Those who refuse to leave will be jailed in Saharonim prison for an indefinite amount of time.

This latest step is not wrapped in pretty words such as “returning by choice” or “benefit packages,” whose goal is to cover up the government-sponsored horror show taking place here. Those behind the decision pride themselves over how aggressive, hard-headed and crass it is. Forced deportation will actively push people to a place they don’t belong, to a place of danger.

I sit and wonder to myself what were those terrible incentives provided to Uganda and Rwanda, which Israel classifies as “third countries” — although it refuses to name them — so that they would agree to take in those whom the state has incited against for years. A formal agreement between the countries? No. Transparency? No. Assurance that those deported will be safe? Definitely not.

So what do we have? Behind-the-scenes deals drenched in blood, suspicion of assistance through forging documents (a worker in the Population and Immigration Authority has already been interrogated over this issue), temporary travel documents that are taken from them upon their arrival in the country, threats of deportation to their home country, a lack of security, stability or protection. In short: a perpetual cycle of being a refugee.

Mending pieces of a broken heart

Since the approval of the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, there has not been a single Western country that has deported survivors of genocide, ethnic cleansing and totalitarian regimes. Our elected officials are proud of their “solution,” and all the while the state simply ignores requests for asylum, tramples over the rights of asylum seekers and, worst of all, continues to deceive them. This all happens and not even the tiniest bit of morality can break the onslaught of evil, without history and collective memory teaching us to act differently, without even considering the fact that these are just people.

Many testimonies have been gathered describing the fate of those who have already been deported. There are those who have been arrested, tortured, disappeared, persecuted and...

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More female MKs doesn't mean a more feminist Knesset

The fact that the 20th Knesset will have a record number of female MKs does not mean they will necessarily advance women’s rights. Some of them, in fact, may end up doing just the opposite.

By Samah Salaime

Now that the winds have died down completely and I have finished writing all my commentary on the elections, I am returning to more familiar territory: feminism.

Many men wanted to see me return to this modest niche; you know, to deal with issues that are proper for a woman. “What do you care about politics?” my good friend asked me. “You are good when it comes to gender, women’s rights, domestic violence and the like. No one will oppose equality between men and women.” Once again we meet the Man-made separation wall, which makes a distinction between the feminine from the human, gender from politics, women and public life.

So for all those who were worried by the mess I made dealing with politics, and for the sake of maintaining good relations, I decided to return to my home base for a short while — to calibrate my feminist brain that has spiraled out of control. I decided to take a magnifying glass and look through the list of names of the newest Knesset members. Not in search of a social-economic agenda (are you kidding me?). Not from the perspective of “security” (have you ever heard an Arab woman speak about security in Israel?). MKs with a plan for peace?

And I won’t start joking about how Livni and Herzog tried to sell the idea of “re-igniting the peace process” — this is about as good as it gets right now, folks — and even on that front they failed. “Samah,” I said to myself, “Now you must focus on the mission of looking at the women of the 20th Knesset. Only women, please. Do not stray from the subject matter, not even for the sake of your precious Joint List.” And that’s exactly what I did.

‘I hear they’re intelligent’

Ladies and gentlemen, what can I say, I am in shock. The 20th Knesset registered but a slight increase in the number of women: 29 as opposed to the 27 women of the previous Knesset.

The ruling Likud party has three central women, of whom Miri Regev is the most prominent. For the sake of my...

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Sorry Israeli leftists, I've got no sympathy for you

Half of Israelis are ‘stuck’ with a prime minister they didn’t want. All Palestinians are stuck with a president who lost his democratic mandate years ago.

By Talal Jabari

I have spoken to quite a few Israelis following Benjamin Netanyahu’s latest win at the polls earlier this month who talk about their disappointment in his re-election. I am sure that a lot of people who campaigned for other parties — those who felt like there could actually be a change of photo on the walls of the Prime Minister’s Office — were truly disenchanted. After all, that change looked quite possible throughout the race. Some of those Israelis have even spoken about leaving Israel in the aftermath.

I can’t sympathize with any of them.

I can understand their position, and logically their complaints make sense. However, I don’t understand what would cause someone to leave their home simply because the head of their government isn’t their first choice.

Perhaps this is because if we followed the same up-and-leave sentiments vis-à-vis Mahmoud Abbas on the other side of the Green Line, the Israeli Right would no longer be talking about a demographic threat, and traffic jams would be a thing of the past.

I think that what keeps us here, is the proud knowledge that most of us did not vote for him.

This is a man who is clinging onto his position as President of Palestinecontrary to Palestinian law. A man who has repeatedly claimed not to want to remain president, yet doesn’t call for elections. Abu Mazen, as he is called on the Palestinian street, is the executive, legislative and judicial branches rolled up into a solid, corrupt package.

And we’re stuck with him.

I really don’t mind him hiring and firing lawmakers, prime ministers, etc. In his little kingdom, that barely extends beyond the walls of the recently-renovated Presidential Compound. But he hasn’t stopped at that.

Today, April 1, 2015 is an historic day for Palestinians, a day we have waited a long time for: Palestine is officially joining the International Criminal Court (ICC). We have waited for this moment with bated breath, since we have feel that this is our one tangible recourse against violations by Israel’s occupation, neigh, our one recourse against the ultimate violation — the occupation itself.

Over the summer, Israeli forces killed hundreds and maimed thousands of...

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An historic deal between Iran and the world

Iran’s relations with the West have seen their ups and downs, almost always ending in disappointment and frustration for the Iranians. Now, for the first time in modern history, negotiations are taking place in which world powers are addressing Iran at eye level. The pending deal is not perfect, but compared to the alternatives it would be a pretty good outcome.

By Lior Sternfeld

If all goes according to plan, in the coming hours an historic agreement will be signed between Iran and the P5+1 (the five permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany). We can already say that if the deal is signed it would be historic. Not because it would “bring Iran back” into the community of nations, as some of the Western parties to the deal like to say, and not because it signals “Western capitulation,” as many of its detractors claim. It will be an historic deal because for the first time in modern history, negotiations will have taken place with Iran as an equal party, not as a passive party.

The agreement and all of its clauses will have been formulated in negotiations in which the West addressed Iran at eye level. It’s not a perfect deal, but taking into consideration the alternatives, it is a very good deal. And without getting into the technical details, of which I have no understanding, I will attempt to explain why.

Iran’s relations with the West have seen a lot of ups and downs. Nearly every period ended in frustration for the Iranians. Over the course of a number of long decades, Iran was used as a tool in the hands of the world’s powerful countries. Iranian collective memory includes periods in which Iran was placed under military occupation by Britain, the United States, the USSR, periods in which Britain controlled the country’s oil industry and abused Iranians who worked in it. At the same time it exploited the country’s resources, a period in which an elected and revered prime minister was overthrown by the British and Americans, and after that coup, the Shah (once again, with the backing of world powers) became a cruel dictator with a secret police that was one of the worst in the world at the time. Resistance to the Shah’s rule led to the 1979 revolution and a change in Iran’s relations with the world — a change that remains...

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When an Arab kid is arrested in the heart of Tel Aviv

The ugly Israeli is not the one who is filmed yelling at stewardesses or hotel receptionists. It is the one who lives in denial of an entire system that oppresses another people. The one who eats his ice cream as a Palestinian child is arrested right in front of him.

By Mei-Tal Nadler

A few weeks ago, just days before Israelis headed to the polls, an Arab teenager was arrested on Tel Aviv’s famed Rothschild Boulevard at around 6 p.m. I have no idea who he is, what he did before he was arrested, where he came from or where he is now. Perhaps he stole something, or perhaps he planned to steal or cause harm. He looked no older than 13, maybe 14. A teenager.

In this story, I am the local, a passerby who is walking her dog when she sees a strange sight: a young boy handcuffed to a policeman in civilian clothing, with a policewoman walking next to them. “Why are you trying to escape, huh? You thought we wouldn’t catch you?” asks to the policewoman. He looks frightened. I ask him how old is he, but he remains silent. I asked if the officers explained his rights to him, if anyone knows he has been arrested. “He’s a shabakhnik. [A Hebrew term for Palestinians who enter Israel illegally without a permit.] You want a shabakhnik on your street?” asks the policewoman. He is just a teenager, and to tell the truth, I don’t really care whether he is on my street.

I ask again whether he knows his rights, whether they are planning on notifying relative know that he was arrested. I know that the number of Palestinian minors who were arrested without notification went up this year. Children are arrested for six hours, 10 hours, sometimes entire days without their parents’ knowledge. Time passes, and no one knows where their child is. I read about this in a report published a few months ago by the Association for Civil Rights in Israel (ACRI) titled “One rule, two legal systems.” “I don’t owe you an explanation,” the policewoman told me, and continued walking down the street. From afar, one could mistake them for parents on an evening stroll with their son. Two police cars waited for them in the middle of the boulevard.

I walked over to a young couple sitting on a bench...

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Diaspora Jews, it's time to step up

For years there have been calls for on-the-ground opposition to the occupation. Now there are a growing number of Jewish platforms — and voices — seeking to make it happen.

By A. Daniel Roth

The way the world is talking about the Israeli occupation is changing. Alongside that change, opportunity is knocking for those of us standing in opposition: calls for diaspora Jews to be present on the ground in Israel and Palestine are increasing. An important shift is beginning to take place — right now.

The writing is on the wall. Since Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was re-elected, U.S. President Obama and his staff have been speaking differently about the once-incontrovertible two-state solution. One campus Hillel changed its name instead of changing it’s programming to adhere to Hillel International’s rules. If Not Now stormed onto the scene last summer in response to the violence in Gaza. Boycotts and BDS campaigns are sprouting up on campuses and at supermarkets all over the world.

That was on display for anyone to see last week in Washington D.C. The J Street conference, which brought together over 3,000 people, saw a series of fired up conversations that put shone a spotlight on the American-Jewish relationship with Israel. During a panel on liberal Zionism, Israeli journalist (and +972 blogger) Noam Sheizaf made a clear plea for a collective refocusing from “state solutions” to the urgency of ending the inequality that exists for millions under occupation, who lack freedom of movement or access to civilian courts.

Peter Beinart also took a step forward on stage, calling on young Jews from North America and around the world to stand physically in Israel and Palestine, and to take part in Palestinian non-violent resistance to the occupation.

For years there have been calls for on-the-ground participation from a variety of communities. Recently, there has been a surge in Jewish platforms for those communities to take part in peace and justice work.

A Jerusalem-based volunteer program for young American Jews (which I co-founded) called Solidarity of Nations-Achvat Amim engages in human rights work and learning based on the core value of self-determination for all peoples. All That’s Left (of which I am a member) is a collective aimed at engaging the diaspora in anti-occupation learning, organizing, and on-the-ground actions. The new Center for...

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