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The roots of Palestinian and Israeli teenage violence

The violence we are witnessing among Israeli and Palestinian teenagers is a response to a system that limits their independence through power and control.

By Gil Gertel

Three different news items on teenage violence were aired in the Israeli media recently. The first was a hearing in the Special Committee for the Rights of the Child on violence by teachers toward students. Following that came a report by the Education Ministry that tracked the level of violence in schools. Finally, Channel 10 aired a four-part series that looked into what motives Palestinian teens to carry out violent attacks against Israelis.

When reality is violent, teens are violent

In the second part of the Channel 10 series, a number of (Jewish) experts explain that violence by Palestinian teens stems from lack of authority on the part of the parents; a weak Palestinian educational system; incitement from Palestinian media and social networks; and the admiration by teens for those who are seen as heroes, and their desire to be like them. All these explanations present the phenomenon as entirely disconnected from their surroundings: children are exposed to poor education and incitement, and the hatred and violence just erupts out of nowhere. And what drives the education and incitement? They do not inquire.

In the first episode Channel 10 interviews Eid Muhammad, the father of Rukia Abu Eid. Thirteen-year-old Rukia left her home in Anata with a knife in hand, and attacked the security guard at the nearby Anatot settlement. The security guard shot and killed her. Channel 10 reporter Or Heller (one of the creators of the series) gave a full disclosure: “I have no answer to the question ‘why did she take a knife and attack.’” But this is not exact, as her father explains: “I cannot answer that question. This is an act of God… I cannot even imagine why Rukia went. The occupation is the reason. I told you. The reason is the killing of children. Why do they kill children?”

So Eid Muhammad does, in fact, have an answer, and I think it is the right one: the occupation is the driving force behind the violence of Palestinian teens. In the third episode in the series we see a mother from Anatot gently stroking her son’s head and explaining: “We raise our children to believe in peace, they raise their children to hate.” But even...

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Saying goodbye to Israel's oldest dissident Zionist

He was an officer in the IDF, a supporter of a bi-national state, and fundraised money to build a school in a Palestinian refugee camp in Lebanon. Until his very last day, Dov Yermiya remained a man of contradictions.

By Avi Dabach

Dov Yermiya, who passed away two weeks ago at the age of 101, was a man of contradictions. One of the one hand he was a venerated fighter of the 1948 War, on the other hand he exposed war crimes. One the one hand a tzabar who grew up in the heartland of Zionism, on the other hand a dissident. His life story is enough for two or three people. Not only did he live long, he also accomplished much. For better and for worse.

I met Dov in his final decade. A restless 91-year-old who amazed me and my film crew with his endless energy, and thought the documentary we were making on his life was hopeless, even though he enjoyed taking part in it immensely.

He was an incorrigible pessimist who saw the end of Israeli society for its sins, but in his deeds he was an optimist, almost disconnected from his sobering outlook. In this sense he remained a Zionist even when he strayed ideologically from Mapai’s Zionism of expulsions. He was a Zionist in the sense that he combined vision with forward-thinking, stubborn work without much recognition.

Dov was a Zionist, but also very connected to the reality in Palestine, and even supported a bi-national state in the 1930s. When the Partition Plan was accepted in 1947, he tried to convince his fellow kibbutz members to remain under Arab Palestinian rule. The war in 1948 changed everything, and Dov enlisted in the IDF, became an officer and was in charge of the conquering of several villages in the north.

WATCH: Dov Yermiya speaks about the conquest of Az-Zeeb

Dov Yermiyah was a very practical person. His actions followed from his very principled positions. Without actions, he believed, positions were bereft of meaning. That’s how it was in 1948, when he fought and was badly wounded in a battle over a police station, or a few weeks later when he speedily recovered and returned to the army — he heard a few company members talk about a rape that had taken place. Dov refused to whitewash or ignore...

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Why Herzog's diplomatic plan looks an awful lot like apartheid

Looking closely at Labor’s plan, the logic behind it becomes clear: since it is difficult to envision a Palestinian state in the foreseeable future, Israel should no longer be ashamed of putting Palestinians in Bantustans.

By Neve Gordon

On Sunday night, Israel’s Labor Party unanimously approved their leader’s diplomatic plan.

Labor’s premier Isaac Herzog laid out his vision a few weeks earlier at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv, telling the audience that he “wish[es] to separate from as many Palestinians as possible, as quickly as possible.” Herzog continued by explaining that “we’ll erect a big wall between us. That is the kind of co-existence that is possible right now… Ariel Sharon… didn’t finish the job. We want to finish it, to complete the barrier that separates us.”

Examining Labor’s new plan more closely, what becomes bitterly clear is that “We are here, they are there” does not signify the withdrawal of Israeli power from Palestinian territories, but rather a devious way of entrenching the colonial enterprise even further.

Herzog’s underlying assumption is that under current conditions a two-state solution is impossible. He is, however, adamantly against a one state solution, whereby Jews and Palestinians live together as equals. His objective is to formulate a plan that guarantees the continued existence of a Jewish state, with about five million Palestinians living within its territory.

On the one hand, then, Israel should not take steps that would undermine the two-state solution, because sustaining the two-state chimera is crucial for preventing the alternative: a democratic state between the Jordan Valley and Mediterranean where Palestinians, like Jews, enjoy full citizenship. On the other hand, Herzog realizes that the two-state solution is no longer an option. He therefore lays out the blueprint of a plan that is in effect an apartheid regime.

The specifics informing the plan, which the Labor Party approved, are not really new, but the fact that they have been outlined in writing is another crucial step in the consolidation and legitimization of apartheid rule.

The plan unabashedly promotes Palestinian Bantustans. Herzog notes that Palestinians will gain more autonomy to run their daily lives in areas A and B, which comprise only about 40 percent of the West Bank. “Palestinians will have total freedom in civil but not military matters,” he said. “They’ll be able to build new cities and expand...

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EU politicians to Israeli MKs: NGOs aren't enemies of the state

Fifty MEPs send an open letter to their Israeli counterparts urging them to abandon legislation that singles out European-funded human rights and peace NGOs while not touching right-wing organizations.

By Davide Lerner

Dozens of members of the European Parliament published a harshly worded open letter to all members of the Israeli Knesset on Tuesday regarding the controversial “NGO law,” a new bill that selectively imposes transparency requirements on those largely left-wing associations receiving more than half of their funding from abroad. The bill passed the first of three readings in the Knesset late Monday night.

The letter, promoted by UK Labour MEP Julie Ward, calls on the Israeli Knesset to reject the legislation. “We strongly urge you to be brave and strong in upholding Israel’s pluralist democratic values,” a passage of the letter says. “Human rights and peace-building NGOs serve as watchdogs for democracy, not enemies of the state.”

Asserting that the occupation is not an internal Israeli matter, the letter notes that the EU “funds the Palestinian Authority, without which [Israel's] administration of the Palestinian Territories would not be viable.”

The document has been signed by 50 MEPs, but Julie Ward’s assistants claim many more asked to support it after the deadline had passed. The majority comes from leftist groups like the Greens and the Gue/Ngl, which includes parties like Syriza (Greece), Podemos (Spain) and Sinn Féin (Ireland). Also the center-left Socialist and Democrats group, the second biggest in the Parliament after the center-right European People’s Party, expressed its support with 11 signatures. No MEPs from mainstream right-wing groups, let alone Nigel Farage’s “Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy,” have agreed to co-sign the letter.

The document comes amid a period of great tensions between Israel and the EU, peaking with the European Commission’s interpretative notice on labelling last November. The decision to label Israeli settlements products enraged the government of Benjamin Netanyahu, whose diplomatic efforts to block the move were however fruitless. In a letter to European Parliament President Martin Schulz at the time Netanyahu complained of an anti-Israeli “double-standard,” quoting “nearly 200 territorial disputes worldwide” which have not been subject to trade limitations of sorts. Specifically, he insisted on the case of Northern Cyprus which came under Turkish control in 1974.

Underlying the periodic standoffs between EU officials and members of the Israeli government is Israel’s shift to an unprecedented cultural hegemony of the right....

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Hunger striking Palestinian journalist is dying, lawyer says

The Supreme Court suspended Muhammad al-Qiq’s administrative detention order but won’t let him return to the West Bank; al-Qiq’s attorney says he will only accept medical treatement in a Palestinian hospital.

By Oren Ziv and Yael Marom

Palestinian journalist Muhammad al-Qiq is on day 77 of a hunger strike protesting his administrative detention, a practice Israel uses to imprison people without having to charge them or bring them to trial.

Al-Qiq is suffering from serious vertigo, has lost most of his sight and hearing, and can barely speak.

Since the High Court of Justice “suspended” his administrative detention last week he has been surrounded by supporters, activists and his legal team. The court did not, however, allow his release and refused to overturn his administrative detention order despite his serious medical condition.

Al-Qiq has said he will continue his hunger strike until he is fully released and allowed to return to the West Bank, where he will agree to medical treatment.

Attorney Hanan Khatib, who was by al-Qiq’s side when +972 Magazine visited him on Monday, reiterated that he is a journalist and that imprisoning him without charge or trial is illegal.

“The [High] Court suspended his administrative detention but unfortunately ruled that he must stay in the hospital in Afula (inside Israel),” Khatibi said.

Al-Qiq rejects that ruling, she added, saying that he will continue to refuse medical treatment until he is brought to a Palestinian hospital in the West Bank.

“He is dying right now,” Khatib added. “As the medical team has noted, he could die at any moment of a heart attack.”

Outside Emek Medical Center in Afula, a few Israeli activists stood demonstrating for al-Qiq’s immediate release from administrative detention. Protests in solidarity with al-Qiq have also taken place in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and elsewhere in the world in recent days.

According to reports in the Palestinian media over the weekend, negotiations to end al-Qiq’s hunger strike were accelerated in recent days due to his deteriorating medical condition. Israel, according to the reports, is offering to not extend his administrative detention beyond May 1, when the detention order already expires; al-Qiq rejected that offer.

Al-Qiq, 33, from the West Bank village of Dura near Hebron, worked as a reporter for the Saudi news channel “Almajd.” He was arrested on the night of November 21, 2015 when Israeli soldiers...

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When will the Left start talking about Israeli trauma?

Without recognizing how deep-seated the trauma of ordinary Israelis really is, the Israeli peace camp will continue to be seen as elitist and disconnected.

By Yakir Englander (translated by Dr. Henry R. Carse)

My political opinions are aligned with Israel’s Left, but I was not born that way. Even today my personal Israeli narrative is far from typically liberal. I grew up in a modern ultra-Orthodox Jewish community in the city of Bnei Brak, and although I am sociologically far from that context today, many of the core values that still influence me stem from the Hasidic tradition. When I was an adolescent, I became part of the religious settler movement. And while I am not connected to it today, the courage that I witnessed in that society, one that allows you to take action in the real world, remains with me until this day.

I understand that I may have no choice but to support a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Unlike the majority of the “moderate Zionist Left” in Israel, however, including opposition leader Isaac Herzog, I see the establishment of two states as a painful separation. This solution will tear me apart from my dearest Palestinian colleagues, as more walls and checkpoints will put an end to our daily contact with each other.

In recent years, I have founded and worked as part of an interfaith peace organization that seeks to an end to the conflict. And still, like many Israelis, I find myself further and further from the Israeli Left, be it moderate, Zionist or radical. There are two reasons for this: firstly, because the leaders of the Left act similar to religious preachers who claim to know the Truth, even when it is ideological rather than divine. Their grasp of the Truth makes it hard for them to listen to others enter into a genuine dialogue. Secondly, I cannot relate to the leaders of the Left because of their language, which falls far short of expressing the complex emotions of fear and pain that I hear every day on the streets of Jerusalem.

Stop blaming the traumatized 

There is something tempting in the Truth: it protects people from the need to remember, every single minute, that they might be wrong. Certainly, this is why some are attracted to religion: it promises them access to the Truth.

It is fascinating to note that it was in...

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Women of the Wall victory can teach us a few things

If we succeeded at pushing the government to find a solution on a matter as sensitive as the Western Wall, then we can also push Israel’s leadership — from a perspective of self interest — to make other, equally positive decisions.

By Batya Kallus

Last Sunday, following a 27-year struggle by Women of the Wall, the Israeli government approved a plan to create a new pluralistic, egalitarian and feminist plaza alongside the ultra-Orthodox prayer plaza at the Western Wall in Jerusalem. This is first and foremost a victory for Jewish feminists. But imagine — a group of Jewish religious women engaged in grassroots feminist activism, who really only wanted to pray together on Rosh Hodesh according to their custom and never imagined themselves as heroines, have upset the balance of power in the battle of religion and state, and catalyzed transformative social and political change.

Together with representatives of the Reform and Conservative movements, I was one of two women who, for two-and-a-half years, negotiated this agreement to achieve equality and justice for Women of the Wall (WOW). My participation in the negotiations gave me insights that were more far-reaching than simply where and in what way Women of the Wall would pray at the Western Wall.

As I sat at the negotiating table, I thought about the significance and meaning of recognition. The government recognized the legitimacy of Women of the Wall. It recognized the Reform and Conservative movements, and by doing so, it recognized the majority of Jews who don’t fit the standard Israeli belief that orthodoxy is the exclusive legitimate form of Jewish religious expression.

I learned that the government had a very strong self-interest in achieving an agreement, and this was a powerful motivating force. The government hated that there was an ongoing conflict between ultra-Orthodox prayer goers and women attending WOW services at the Wall. The arrests of more than 50 women, including two American rabbis, provoked a deep crisis with Diaspora Jewry, who were appalled by the thought of women being arrested for wearing tallitot and singing out loud.

If it were only a matter of a few annoying women, perhaps the government would not have stepped up to the plate. However, our refusal to be silenced, and the international outrage over these arrests between 2012-2013, compelled the government to invite us to the table to find a solution — together. From this I...

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Economic equality is an unconditional right

Right-wing ministers in Israel’s government are putting their own political interests over the economic and social needs of the country’s Arab citizens.

By Rawnak Natour and Abed Kanaaneh

Arab citizens of the State of Israel have suffered from discrimination by the establishment since the day the country declared independence in 1948, discrimination that is reflected in almost every aspect of their lives: land confiscation, discrimination in housing and employment, extreme disparities in health and educational services, and an absence of infrastructure and proper sources of funding for local government councils. This has given rise to serious problems such as poverty, violence and environmental harm. In recent years this historical discrimination has been joined by a series of racist and anti-democratic laws passed by the far-right government.

Under these complex conditions, the present government, which we see as the most racist ever towards Arab citizens, recently approved an economic plan to support the Arab sectors of Israeli society. The plan has been described as historic and unprecedented, but has also aroused surprise and suspicion. As expected, reactions in Arab society were mixed, ranging from sweeping support to profound skepticism regarding the plan’s implementation and its real intentions.

Still, not a single official or member of the Arab establishment in Israel has opposed the plan unequivocally. Despite the many difficulties involved in approving it in a series of cabinet meetings, all in all it was welcomed.

The Israeli Right, on the other hand, had reservations about the plan and even opposed it. The objections were primarily rooted in the realization that the big difference between this and previous plans lies in the principle of introducing a change in the budgetary mechanisms on which it is based – as opposed to topical remedies like one-time grants, as was done in the past.

This important principle, that the entire system itself needs to be changed, along with the structures that created the institutionalized discrimination and disparities in the first place, is the main and most important message of the new plan, and that is why it also frightens opponents of equality and partnership. For years The Arab leadership, as well as Sikkuy and many other civil society organizations, have demanded the advancement of full equality in all areas of life by means of this principle.

Genuine equality cannot be achieved with one-time grants. Only a profound change in the very system that created the disparities,...

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The best response to Israel’s new stop-and-frisk law: Stop showering

A new law in Israel gives police broad powers to search anyone in an area they say there’s a fear of ‘hostile terrorist activities.’ Or in other words: anywhere with a critical mass of Arabs. Here’s how to fight back.

By Fady Khoury

What does Israel’s new stop-and-frisk law mean? What should you do about it?

Prior to the new law, which was passed in the Knesset on Tuesday, police were authorized to search anyone without a warrant if they had reasonable suspicion (probable cause) that the person was carrying a weapon illegally (on their person or in their car), or was planning to commit a crime with a weapon.

One can question what constitutes reasonable suspicion within that framework, but in short, at least there existed an objective element the officer needed to seek: a weapon. The suspicion that someone is carrying a weapon can’t just be made up, although we know there has always been an element of arbitrariness — after all, we are talking about the Israeli Police.

The “Stop and Frisk Law,” or its official name, the Authorities for Preserving Public Safety Law (Amendment No. 5 and Temporary Provision), 2016, adds to the existing law, and grants police officers the authority to search anyone without a warrant in order to determine whether they are in possession of a weapon, if the officer has a reasonable suspicion that the person is going to commit a violent crime against somebody else.

I can live with that. But a clause attached to the new amendment adds: “For the purposes of this amendment reasonable suspicion shall be, among others, if the person is acting aggressively in a public place, or employs verbal violence or threats, or acts alarmingly or otherwise frighteningly.” In other words: any behavior that might piss off a cop.

And yet that still doesn’t really raise a red flag for me, especially due to the fact that existing laws already grant broad powers to police. What does set off the alarm bells? Clause 6.B, titled “Police powers to conduct a body search of a person in a location thought to be a target for hostile terrorist activities.” The clause authorizes a police district commander to declare any area as one in which there is a real fear that “hostile terrorist activities” will take place, and then police can search people without having to satisfy a requirement...

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'Ethics c'tee mulls forcing treatment on hunger striking journalist'

Palestinian reporter Muhammad al-Qiq has been on hunger strike for some 70 days in protest of his administrative detention — a tool Israeli authorities use to imprison people without charge or trial. Ethics committee considers treating him against his will.

By Yael Marom and Noam Rotem

The medical ethics committee at Emek Medical Center reportedly met on Thursday to discuss forcefully administering medical treatment to hunger striking Palestinian journalist Muhammad al-Qiq. Israel passed a law last summer allowing the force-feeding of hunger striking prisoners under some conditions, something that directly contradicts established medical ethics and international conventions. It has never been used.

Doctors at the Emek Medical Center reportedly sent two medical updates within the span of a few hours to the Supreme Court on Tuesday about the deterioration of Palestinian al-Qiq, who has been on hunger strike for some 70 days in protest of his administrative detention. In its ruling denying al-Qiq’s release last week, the Supeme Court said it would follow his health on a daily basis. The panel of three justices said that if his condition worsened, the State would need to revisit its position.

The journalist’s attorneys argued against him being held in administrative detention at all, but also that due to his medical state he could no longer be considered dangerous.

Israel uses administrative detention to imprison Palestinians, and sometimes Jews, without charge or trial. Administrative detention orders are generally for six months but can be renewed indefinitely. The only way administrative detainees can challenge their detention, aside from court challenges that almost always fail, is to go on hunger strike.

A number of Palestinians have won their release from Israeli administrative detention in recent years after lengthy hunger strike. Many have nearly died.

One of al-Qiq’s attorneys, Jawad Boulus, head of the legal department at the Palestinian Prisoners Club, said that according to the second medical report submitted to the court on Tuesday, the hunger striking journalist is in tremendous pain and it will soon be too late to give him any meaningful medical treatment. His attorney, who visited al-Qiq on Thursday, said he looks like a “skeleton.”

Against the recommendation of his doctors, al-Qiq is reportedly refusing all medical treatment and tests and is not taking any dietary supplements. Earlier this week, al-Qiq’s attorneys reported that he had lost his ability to hear and 60 percent of his sight.


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'But you don't look like an Arab'

Years of failed coexistence projects between Jews and Palestinians, which were always intended to show Jews that we too are human beings, made me realize that enough is enough.

By Muhammad Kabha

Years of failed coexistence projects between Jews and Palestinians, which were always intended to show Jews that we too are human beings, brought me to the conclusion that enough is enough.

On the day I first opened my eyes I met my dad’s Jewish friends. They were very nice. “Kiffi,” the blonde soldier who worked as a server in the wedding hall where my dad cooked, loved me. To this day, I remember how one day I went with him on errands throughout the town of Pardes Hannah. Kiffi let me play with his gun. When I was curious, he let me have my first gulp of beer. I was told by many that I was a good-looking but mischievous child. The compliments had an added value when they came from Jews. I never asked myself why.

I had fun on the days when “al-Hawajeh” (“the mister”), my uncle’s friend, was supposed to visit us. There was a festive atmosphere in the house and the entire neighborhood knew it. Mom, grandma and the uncles would be busy preparing food starting in the morning. I would watch Dr. Yona eat from afar. I would sit there relaxed and satisfied when he complimented my grandmother on the food she had prepared.

Everyone was surprised by the ability of my uncle, the trader, to connect to Jews. He was always praised for it. He taught them at Kfar Hayarok, an agricultural youth village and boarding school near Tel Aviv, so he knew them well and knew how to win over their hearts.

During the olive harvest each year he would always bring labneh, za’atar, fresh-baked bread and olive oil to some of his Jewish friends’ homes. That’s how you do business with them, I deduced.

We watched the Israel-Jordan peace treaty signing on live television at our school. Just a year later, my friend Bader told me that Prime Minister Rabin had been murdered the night before. We didn’t study that day. We sat and mourned in our classroom, with its asbestos ceiling, broken windows and no door. “Ustaz” Afif, our music teacher, handed out the lyrics that began “Let the sun rise, and give the morning light,” and played the...

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Being a Mizrahi woman in the Left

My leftism is beyond the establishment, and it stems first and foremost from my experiences as an outsider.

By Netta Amar-Shiff

I grew up in a house that was mostly involved in maintaining family unity and keeping the mitzvot, all within the geographical radius of my home, my synagogue, and my school. Although I never knew who or what Arabs were, I knew a little bit of Arabic, since I lived with my grandmother, may her memory be a blessing, for several years. When I was young knowledge of the language did not serve as a bridge for anyone in my neighborhood, since I lived in a Mizrahi ghetto, for all its beauty and hardships.

My leftism did not come from Marx, Stalin, World War II, or the Holocaust, though I read many books about the latter as I grew up. My leftism stemmed neither from theories of universalism, humanism or pacifism nor from years-long knowledge of the occupation, or the public debate about the tension between Jewish and democratic. I read and learned about all these over the years.

My leftism is not committed to parties or organizations, although I do have political preferences and I have worked and volunteered with human rights organizations over the years. My leftism is not defiantly secular, although I have drifted away from religion while holding on to family traditions.

My leftism is beyond the establishment, and it stems first and foremost from my experiences as an outsider, even when I was deep in the Israeli-religious-Mizrahi experience. My leftism mainly stems from my very personal experiences of mourning, of my father whose life came to an end in a helicopter accident in the army. My leftist stems from a spring of Mizrahiness, with all its pain and humanity, but also with respect — respect for myself and others. All of these things became a part of me without ever knowing — whether from the home or from the community that surrounded me. My community did not include brothers of, parents of, or children of celebrities or political activists who went out to change the world. I was just another Mizrahi girl in the heart of the consensus.

I came to understand the Left only after I happened to meet others who identified, more or less, as leftists. I saw their pain and humanity, along with their Ashkenazi arrogance. But once I got to...

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Netanyahu's race-baiting was long-planned, not a 'lapse in judgement'

The prime minister’s Election Day warning that ‘Arabs are coming out in droves to the polls’ was the culmination of months of focus groups and a clear-eyed strategy from Likud operatives, a new Channel 2 report reveals.

By Mitchell Plitnick

Controversial comments by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu about heavy voter turnout in Israel’s Arab sector were not one-time mistakes but part of a broader strategy executed by the Likud campaign, a report broadcast Monday by Israel’s Channel 2 News demonstrated.

Netanyahu was heavily criticized, at home and abroad, for his last-minute plea for right-wing voters to support him at the polls in order to block Arab electoral strength. “Arab voters are coming out in droves to the polls,” Netanyahu declared in a video message broadcast on Facebook. “Left-wing organizations are busing them out.”

The comment drew a rebuke from the Obama administration and Netanyahu expressed his “regret” in an apology to Israel’s Arab community after the election, casting the race-baiting remark as a simple lapse in judgment during a heated campaign.

But the new report by Amit Segal, a well-known religious and right-wing political commentator, casts a sharp and unflattering light on the last days of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s campaign for re-election in 2015.

Segal describes a process, including polling and focus groups, which had shown the Likud that dealing with economic matters, or going after Bennett was not a winning strategy. Rather, their research had suggested that Likud does best when voters are afraid of the consequences of a left-wing victory and that the issue of security, being tough with relation to the conflict with the Palestinians, was Netanyahu’s greatest strength. Fear, in other words, was the best way for Likud to get votes.

For much of the campaign, Netanyahu and other leaders did not fully heed this advice. While they did focus on security, they did so in a way that looked more beyond the borders than within the country. Even when Netanyahu was using fear in his campaign, it was much more focused on external threats like ISIL, like in the ad reported on in this piece, casting Israel’s left wing and Arab voters as too weak to oppose such forces.

They also tried to engage with Bennett from the right and on the economy from the center. It was only on the last day that they employed their anti-Left and anti-Arab strategy...

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+972 is an independent, blog-based web magazine. It was launched in August 2010, resulting from a merger of a number of popular English-language blogs dealing with life and politics in Israel and Palestine.

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