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Why an economic boycott of Israel cannot succeed

And why it might even hinder a political solution.

By Yonathan Mizrachi

Political movements calling for an economic boycott of Israel are working to advance a model based on the boycott of Apartheid South Africa and the critical role it played in ending white minority rule in that country. The parallel drawn between the economic boycott of South Africa and the one advanced by Palestinians and pro-Palestinians activists against Israel reinforces the view that Israel is an apartheid state.

However without going into the question of whether Israel is an apartheid state, it is clear that one of the central motives underlying the boycott is anger toward Israel and its policies in the occupied territories, and the need to take action based on ethical standards. Despite the anger and the justified criticism of Israel, the economic boycott is destined to fail.

Take the political map in the 1990s compared to today. When the Eastern Bloc was in the process of dissolution and began its first steps toward Westernization, the West was at the peak of its political power. The collapse of significant political and military threats after more than four decades of the Cold War, along with the formation of the European Union, left no room for doubt regarding the undisputed status of Western states in global politics.

In those years, the GDP of Western Europe, North America, Australia and Japan comprised 62 percent of the world economy (according to the world GDP in 1991). If we add the newly-democratized states of Eastern Europe and the democracies of the Far East, such as South Korea, to the list, we will find that Western democracies controlled two thirds of the world economy.

Twenty-five years later, the same countries make up only 38.8 percent of global GDP (including Japan and not including the other Asian countries and Eastern Europe). Thus, economically speaking, a boycott by Western states would be less effective today than in the past.

Israeli minister: Make BDS activists ‘pay a price’

Although Europe succeeded in affecting the economy of a strong state like Russia through sanctions following its invasion of Ukraine, Russian policy remained unchanged. The most notable case where economic pressure did is Iran. But can boycotting Israel have the same effect? In looking at the world political map in the context of Israel, it is safe to assume that countries such as the United States, Germany, Britain, and likely France and Italy, will not support a boycott...

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License to Kill: Forgery, evidence tampering and two dead teens

Usaid and Muhammed Qadus are shot to death in their own village by a major in the Israeli army who claims he only fired rubber bullets. But the bullets were real, and he admitted to lying and committing forgery to cover up his crime. Instead of being charged with a crime, he is promoted.

By John Brown and Noam Rotem
(Translated from Hebrew by Ofer Neiman)

In the License to Kill series thus far, we have surveyed eight Military Police investigation files regarding the killing of Palestinians by IDF fire. Despite the fact that none of those killed posed a danger to anybody else and despite no lack of evidence pointing to the shooters’ guilt, none of the cases resulted in any indictments. One of the most outrageous cases was the shooting of 20 bullets into the Qawarik cousins and the subsequent whitewashing of the case. In this chapter, we will examine another double killing of young Palestinian men, which took place just one day earlier, by an officer in the same IDF brigade, Kfir, which is also happens to be the unit of the Hebron shooter, Elor Azaria.

After reading the following investigation into the IDF’s own investigation, we believe that you too will find it hard to believe that prosecutors decided not file an indictment for a double murder, or at the very least obstruction of justice. We will show how the shooter, a major in the army, admitted to lying in his testimony, forging documents and trying to tamper with evidence. In spite of all that, the Military Advocate General decided against prosecution. In fact, he continues to serve in the IDF, and has even been promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel.

The sequence of events described here is based on the Military Police investigation file, which we have obtained, as well as other testimonies collected by B’Tselem.

The shooting

On the afternoon of Saturday March 20, 2010, a unit from the IDF’s Kfir Brigade entered the West Bank Palestinian village of Iraq Burin on the outskirts of Nablus. The soldiers went there after settlers from the Israeli settlement of Bracha set out toward the village to vandalize and fell Palestinian-owned trees and cause other damage (the army showed up to protect the settlers). From another direction, village youth were gathering, and some of them were throwing stones — which did not pose a threat to the lives of the...

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How Israel's relationship with Egypt's Sisi might come back to haunt it

Bonds with Israel cannot guarantee long-term stability of a regime that is not based on popular support and relies on oppression to maintain its rule.

By Itay Mack (translated by Tal Haran)

Egypt’s foreign minister’s first visit to Israel in nine years, and his meeting to discuss an Egypt-backed peace initiative with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu should not have come as such a surprise. Even the recent appointment of Avigdor Lieberman, the same person who called for the bombing of the Aswan Dam, as minister of defense, could not prevent this visit.

Both sides urgently need a fictitious initiative. Netanyahu wants to try and halt the French Peace Initiative which has gained momentum in the international community in a way that far exceeded the Israeli government’s expectations. Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, on the other hand, wants to strengthen his own regime in a moment of weakness. Indeed both leaders show signs of paranoid personalities, and both have been weakened in the global arena. However, unlike Netanyahu, who enjoys tremendous support inside Israel, el-Sisi’s regime suffers from an extreme case of internal weakness.

Against foreign-funded NGOs

Ever since el-Sisi was elected president in June 2014, his military regime has been busy destroying layer upon layer of real — as well as imaginary — opposition inside the country. He began with the Muslim Brotherhood and continued with human rights activists, political activists, journalists, students, bloggers, poets, and even youth. In fact, anyone suspected of being even slightly critical of el-Sisi’s military regime is liable to be arrested, tortured, murdered, or simply disappeared (approximately 1,840 disappeared in 2015 alone). Tens of thousands have been arrested, many without any due process, while numerous detainees are held in clandestine detention facilities.

Some of this oppression is grounded in a law passed in November 2013, which totally restricts demonstrations in Egypt, as well as a law waging a “war on terrorism,” which passed in August 2015. The anti-terrorism law sets fines and severe punishments for anyone who publishes information contradicting official army publications. In Egypt some even claim that persecution by the el-Sisi regime is much greater than that which characterized Mubarak’s 30 year rule.

A new line was crossed when el-Sisi decided to persecute and shut down human and civil rights organizations, operating with the help of European and American money, which document crimes committed by the security forces, under the pretext that the organizations are part of an international conspiracy meant to damage Egypt’s stability. Security forces have begun to persecutes...

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Equality could be the ultimate deterrence to violence

If the Israeli security establishment is looking for a proper way to put an end to violence, a little equality in the eyes of the law might go a long way.

By Talal Jabari

One of my very first assignments as a young journalist was to go to Shuafat Refugee Camp in East Jerusalem to take pictures and gather quotes pertaining to the demolition of several homes that day. I remember looking on as the bulldozers went about their work, and as the residents of the homes, male and female, wept helplessly as they watched their life’s savings collapse into neat piles of rubble.

The demolished homes didn’t belong to so-called terrorists; the residents were accused of building without permits, which is a topic for another article. But suffice to say, it felt like a painful event for the recipients of the demolition orders.

The fact is that since 1967, according to the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD), the Israeli government has destroyed on average about 1,000 Palestinian “structures” a year. That’s a little under three structures a day.

For full disclosure, a “structure” could mean anything from a chicken coop to a nine-story apartment building.

Of the more than 48,000 structures Israel demolished since 1967, hundreds were destroyed as a punitive measure, in the aftermath of a Palestinian attack — even a failed attack. Logic would suggest that the very fact that Israel has had to demolish hundreds of homes rather than a few dozen means the tactic has not been a very effective deterrent. An Israeli army commission came to the same conclusion in 2005, publishing a report that put an end to the practice of punitive demolitions.

To clarify, until 2005 the Israeli government destroyed hundreds of Palestinian homes that belonged to suspected perpetrators or planners of attacks or their families. In the vast majority of those cases, those suspects had ceased to live in those homes — they were either dead, incarcerated, or on the run. The result of such a punitive demolition is that the people who are actually penalized are the suspect’s families who most of the time, by the Israeli military’s own admission, had nothing to do with the actions that prompted the destruction of their homes.

So why are we still discussing a practice that was halted in 2005? In it’s infinite wisdom, the Israeli security establishment decided to ignore the findings...

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Using stolen water to irrigate stolen land

Settlers are trying to spin water shortages as a problem that affects both Palestinians and Jews in the same manner. That couldn’t be further from the truth.

By Dror Etkes

The recent reports on water crisis in Palestinian areas of the West Bank were accompanied by a story of another water shortage: this time in Israeli settlements. Let’s get one thing straight — there has never been a “water shortage” in the settlements. When settlers open up the tap at home or in their garden, the amount and quality of the water is identical to that which comes out in most homes to the west of the Green Line. Yes, there were several recent instances in which the water supply was cut off temporarily in a number of settlements (generally for a few hours), during which the authorities provided settlers water from water tanks. One can safely say that not a single settler was left thirsty.

Anyone who has had the opportunity to see how the settlers work the media will not be surprised that the issue made headlines. By exaggerating the water shortage, the settlers hope to achieve two complementary goals: neutralizing criticism of outright discrimination by the the state in everything having to do with the quantity of water sold to Palestinians (which makes up only a small percentage of water in the West Bank, the rest goes to West Bank settlements and Israel), while using the cynical and empty claim that the water shortage affects “both Arabs and Jews.”

The second goal is put pressure on right-wing politicians to approve budgets for establishing new water infrastructure, in order to meet the demand, which will likely skyrocket in the coming years — assuming the number of settlers continues to grow at the current rate (five percent per year, twice as much as the population growth in Israel).

Turning water into wine

The following is the story of water in the West Bank from a less well-known perspective: that of Israeli agriculture. Here are just a few statistics on Israeli agriculture in the West Bank:

Today settlers control almost 25,000 acres in the West Bank. Approximately 19,000 of them are spread out along the Jordan Valley and its northern beach at the Dead Sea. The rest of the land is around settlements and in outposts across the mountainous region in the central and western part of the West Bank. Around 6,800...

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Israeli government 'lawfare contractor' sues Facebook for $1b.

Shurat HaDin has admitted in the past to taking its marching orders from Israeli intelligence and government officials, lawsuit comes just days after senior minister said Mark Zuckerberg has blood on his hands.

By Noam Rotem

On the heels of the bizarre offensive Israeli Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan’s launched against Facebook last week, radical right-wing legal organization Shurat HaDin filed a $1 billion lawsuit against the social media giant, in what appears to be a coordinated effort by the Israeli government and an allegedly non-governmental organization (more on that later).

In the suit, filed in U.S. Federal Court, Shurat HaDin alleges that by allowing Hamas to use its social networking and communications platforms, that Facebook provides material support to the Palestinian group in attacks on American citizens in Israel and the West Bank.

The day after the group filed the lawsuit, the Justice Ministry submitted an early version of a draft law titled, “Removing content constituting a crime from the Internet,” which would provide the state with additional tools to control content published on the web. The draft law not only deals with social networks, but also expands the state’s ability to control results on search engines such as Google. According to the draft law, the state will be able to submit a request to Administrative Affairs Courts to remove content from the web — an order whose purpose is to force websites to remove content upon the government’s request. The draft law allows the state to rely on “classified material” in requesting the content to be removed.

Shurat Hadin, which was founded in 2002 by Atty. Nitsana Darshan-Leitner — and which primarily operates on donations from right-wing American Jewish organizations — engages in what it terms “lawfare.” The organization has filed lawsuits, mostly in the United States, against a long list of state entities to seek “compensation” for harm done to Israelis. One of the more famous cases the organization won damages from North Korea on behalf of a Puerto Rican victim of a terror attack at Israel’s main airport in 1972.

Another of Shurat HaDin’s U.S. cases was against the Syrian government for its support of Palestinian Islamic Jihad, which carried out an attack in Israel that killed an American citizen. It has also taken on the governments of Iran, the Palestinian Authority, and others, in American courts. The organization has also facilitated court cases in various countries around the world...

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A year later, Iran deal lies are still being recycled

The exact same talking points that were used to oppose the Iran deal before it was ever signed, are now being recycled in an attempt to show it has failed. Not so fast.

By Ali Gharib

There is going to be a storm of hot takes to mark the upcoming anniversary of the Iran nuclear deal. And the first drops are already falling. The take that caught my eye at this early stage is a curtain-raiser exemplar of neoconservative thought a year after the accord. It comes our way in the pages of the Weekly Standard, authored by Michael Makovsky, the head of the neocon outfit, the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs. Makovsky’s piece is worth looking at in detail because it succinctly rounds up so many points that we’re likely to see again and again from other hawks as the anniversary of the nuclear deal approaches and passes. Makovsky’s essay contains both the large and small flaws of the arguments against diplomacy with Iran. Few of the arguments are new. Opponents of talks with Iran used the same ones before talks even got underway.

Makovsky gives the immediate benefits of the nuclear deal a paragraph, with the technical specs summed up in a sentence. So far, so good. But Makovsky doesn’t like the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), so you know the other shoe is going to drop. And it does:

If that line about Iran’s path to a nuclear weapon being paved by the nuclear deal sounds familiar, it’s because right-wing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu used the same line time and again even before the deal was signed. No surprises there: neocons opposing the Iran deal have long since been taking their cues from Netanyahu and his Likud party.

Then there’s that line, with my emphasis, about Iran being free to “pursue a robust nuclear weapons capability, legally and legitimately.” That’s just not true. Iran is still a signatory to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which was ratified by Iran’s legislature, meaning it carries the force not only of international law but Iranian law as well. So, if Iran were to pursue nuclear weapons, it would be doing so illegally. This remains true with or without the Iran nuclear deal, and Makovsky pretending otherwise makes a joke of his argument. If this purported scholar were worried about little things like being...

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Two broken cameras: Settlers attack Activestills photographer in Hebron

Settlers in Hebron attack Activestills photographer Oren Ziv and Breaking the Silence activist Yehuda Shaul as they tour Hebron with famed Irish novelist Colm Tóibín.

By Yael Marom
Video by David Shutkin/The Center for Jewish Nonviolence

Israeli settlers attacked Activestills photographer Oren Ziv and Breaking the Silence activist Yehuda Shaul in Hebron on Tuesday, as they toured the city with famed Irish novelist Colm Tóibín.

The incident is the latest in a long and growing list of attacks by settlers and Israeli security forces against journalists in the occupied territories.

The attack came after the three arrived in Hebron for a tour that was coordinated in advance with the police, after visiting the West Bank village of Susya. Tóibín’s tour is one of many recently organized by Breaking the Silence, which over the past months has been bringing world-renowned authors such as Mario Vargas Llosa, Michael Chabon, and Ayelet Waldman for tours of Israel and the occupied territories. The tours will culminate in a book slated for release next year marking 50 years since of Israeli occupation in the West Bank and Gaza.

Ziv told +972’s Hebrew sister-site Local Call that two settlers, one of whom was holding a bottle, began following him, Shaul, and Tóibín near the Cave of the Patriarchs, where they began threatening Shaul with the bottle and yelling “I will fuck you up” at him. When Ziv realized what was happening he immediately began taking photos. One of the settlers then kicked his camera, which fell and broke.

Two Border Policemen who were standing at a nearby checkpoint intervened and pushed back the two attackers, at which point one of the settlers kicked and broke another one of Ziv’s cameras. “We asked the officers to detain them or at the very least take down their information, yet they refused,” Ziv says. “Had they been Palestinians attacking Jews in Hebron, it would have ended very differently.”

Additional policemen then arrived on the scene, yet they too refrained from detaining the attackers. The officers claimed they did not witness anything. Meanwhile the two settlers disappeared. The policemen were unwilling to accept Ziv’s testimony and told him he must file a complaint at the police station in the adjacent settlement of Kiryat Arba.

While filing the complaint is a matter of principle for Ziv, he has no expectations that the police will take it seriously....

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Everything you need to know about Israel's 'NGO law'

Despite international criticism, the Knesset passes legislation to single out left-wing NGOs in Israel. Here is everything you need to know about it.

Israel’s parliament passed the so-called “NGO Law” Monday night, a piece of legislation meant to stigmatize left-wing and human rights organizations in Israel as agents of foreign powers.

The law singles out NGOs that receive the majority of their funding from foreign state entities, forcing them to prominently declare their foreign funding in any publication or public engagement such as media appearances or events.

Contrary to what right-wing politicians claim, the law is not intended to create more transparency, since Israel already has very strict transparency laws and regulations. Furthermore, the vast majority of the organizations in question already list their sources of funding on their own websites and report the information to the government. (Of 27 organizations believed to be affected by the law, 25 were found to be left-wing or human rights groups.)

The intended effect of the NGO Law is to send a dangerous and stifling message to the Israeli public. The message it sends is that the values espoused and advanced by these organizations — like B’Tselem, Breaking the Silence, and others — do not exist organically in Israel; lawmakers are saying that the values of human rights and opposing the occupation are being imposed on Israel from the outside-in, and only for malicious purposes.

Both European Union officials and the Obama administration have previously criticized the bill. On Tuesday, the European Union blasted the law’s passing, saying it “undermines values of democracy and freedom of speech in Israel,” and called upon Israel to refrain from taking actions that may curtail freedom of expression and association.

Here are four must-read pieces on the NGO law from the +972 archives:

1. Israel is seeing a worrying resurgence of attempts to curtail and suppress dissent, particularly among anti-occupation and human rights activists. That process is not taking place in a vacuum.

2. In February fifty members of the European Parliament send an open letter to their Israeli counterparts urging them to abandon the NGO bill, which singles out European-funded human rights NGOs while not touching right-wing organizations.

3. There is nothing particularly new about the wave of attacks against human rights and the anti-occupation Left. There is nothing new about the increasingly hostile political atmosphere. Not at all. And yet something feels far...

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IN PHOTOS: A life of constant dread for one Palestinian village

The West Bank village of Hizma, surrounded entirely by the separation wall, is the victim of daily harassment by the army and the police. That hasn’t stopped the residents from opening their homes and businesses to Israeli Jews — even the settlers who live next door.

Text and photos by Tamar Flesichman

For the 7,000 residents of the West Bank village of Hizma, life has become an endless routine of harassment by the Israeli authorities.

Land expropriation, home demolition orders, the total disconnect from East Jerusalem, the checkpoint that serves mainly settlers and forbids the owners of the land from crossing, and the constant harassment at the hands of the army and the police toward the village residents — these are only some of the daily experiences that have led to frustration and rage in the village.

Hizma’s residents have the distinct privilege of living next to both the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Pisgat Ze’ev, and the adjacent checkpoint that bears the village’s name. Hizma checkpoint, like Pisgat Ze’ev and the separation wall that encircles the village, was built on land belonging to the residents.

Despite the separation between Hizma and the surrounding Israeli neighborhoods, a large portion of the village residents’ income is based on the settlers of Pisgat Ze’ev and nearby Adam. “They buy good from us because it is cheap here,” an acquaintance from the village tells me. Many of Hizma’s residents speak perfect Hebrew and welcome Israeli Jews to their homes, even those who are unmistakably religious settlers. Israelis often visit to shop or have their cars fixed in the local garages, stopping to have casual conversations, close deals, and shake hands with the locals.

Suffice it to say the Palestinians’ anger is not against Jews, but rather the Israeli army and police.

And while it is true that Palestinians in the are have previously thrown Molotov cocktails at both the checkpoint and IDF jeeps patrolling the area, none of that justifies the collective punishment of thousands of people.

For years the residents of Hizma have been suffering from harassment by the IDF and Israeli police, often on a daily basis. This is done through what is termed “breaking the routine” — a policy that leaves the civilian population helpless, and includes army raids, arrests of adults and minors, violent patrols at all hours of the day, body searches, and more. In one case a woman who married a resident of Hizma...

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One year on: The Iran deal has fulfilled its promise

Despite what Israel’s prime minister may have you believe, the Iran nuclear deal has succeeded in doing exactly what it set out to do: significantly decreasing the threat of a nuclear-armed Islamic Republic.

By Shemuel Meir

The annual Herzliya Conference made headlines a few weeks back simply due to the fact that former Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon and former Prime Minister Ehud Barak pulled out a no holds barred attack on Benjamin Netanyahu. It was interesting to hear that Ya’lon told the crowd that “at this point in time and in the near future, Israel does not face any existential threats.” Ya’alon tied his remarks to the Iran nuclear deal, and in doing so fell in line with IDF assessments, which were laid out by IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eizenkot in January 2016 during the INSS Conference. In the IDF’s view, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) actually precipitated the decline of the Iranian threat.

Without a doubt this is a great way to begin discussing the one-year anniversary of the deal signed in Vienna on July 14, 2015. Ya’alon ditched the alarmism peddled by the prime minister and right-wing think tanks. His call to put an end to what he sees as baseless fear-mongering — including talks of a “second Holocaust” — are in line with things I have previously published on my Strategic Discourse blog.

Netanyahu responded to Ya’alon’s remarks by reminding us that not long ago, at the Munich Security Conference held in February 2016, the former defense minister claimed that despite the deal the Iranian nuclear threat is tangible and existential.

The exchange between the two took place in the run-up to the one-year anniversary of the deal. The milestone gives us an opportunity to take another look at the events. The deal blocked Iran’s path to a nuclear weapon both through preventing its military from enriching military grade uranium (93 percent) as well as producing plutonium. The agreement also subjected Iran to the most invasive and thorough inspections in the history of nuclear enrichment.

The final report published by the International Atomic Energy Agency ‏(IAEA), which allowed the deal to come into force on January 16, 2016, established that Iran did not divert nuclear material to secret sites. The quarterly IAEA reports published since the deal was signed confirm that Iran has met all the conditions. This is good news that does...

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Dispelling the myths about building in Jerusalem

In Jerusalem, construction of Jewish neighborhoods continues unabated, while Palestinians are still struggling for basic infrastructure.

By Aviv Tatarsky

There is no construction freeze. As opposed to declarations by right-wing politicians such as Jerusalem Mayor Nir Barkat or Education Minister Naftali Bennett, construction in Jerusalem was never frozen, while the cranes and bulldozers keep working tirelessly in the city’s Jewish neighborhoods located beyond the Green Line. Thousands of housing units in Gilo, Har Homa, Ramot, Pisgat Ze’ev, and Ramat Shlomo. These not only provide housing for Israelis — they establish facts on the ground in order to make partitioning the city, and as well as reaching a two-state solution, all the more difficult. This, of course, does not stop Israel’s ministers from complaining about a “construction freeze.”

There is a freeze on construction plans and tenders in Jerusalem. In 2012 the government approved a plan for over 6,000 housing units beyond the Green Line in Jerusalem. In 2013 and in the first three months of 2014 Israel published tenders for nearly 2,500 units in Ramat Shlomo, Gilo, etc. But since the breakdown in negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, lead by U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, in April 2014, Israel has hardly published tenders or promoted construction plans. This fact should be taken to heart by all those — on both the Right and the Left — who have eulogized the two-state solution. The solution has yet to reach its expiration date, and if anything is keeping it alive it is sheer political will — not the reality on the ground.

There is a construction freeze for Palestinians. Despite the severe construction shortage the municipality and government repeatedly thwart development plans for Jerusalem’s Palestinian neighborhoods. If you ask city council members, the shortage of classrooms and family health centers is a result of a “lack of suitable land.” Ask the residents of the Old City. Ask the residents of Sur Baher. Ask the residents of Issawiya or their neighbors in A-Tur — neighborhoods where after years of hard work and investing hundreds of thousands of shekels from their own pockets, the municipality decided to go back on its promises: although the master plan was coordinated with the municipality, the city decided to spend the money on a national park in the exact same spot. Meanwhile all the hard work for the betterment of the Palestinians went down...

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Netanyahu's Africa tour: A spit in the face of those Israel helps oppress

The Israeli public and its government need to internalize that ‘Israel’s pride,’ its wildly successful military export industry, has been an unending nightmare for the people of Africa. How can Netanyahu look the Rwandan and Ugandan people in the eyes?

By Itay Mack

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is currently on a tour of African states of Uganda, Rwanda, Ethiopia and Kenya.

For decades, Israel’s relationship with the African continent, from South Africa to the Sahara, has been almost entirely based on military and arms exports that have fueled oppression, civil wars and murderous dictatorships.

Until 1967, the State of Israel was recognized in many circles as a success in the anti-colonialist struggle. Independent African states received military and civil aid from Israel, and in return, voted with it in the United Nations. Jerusalem even condemned apartheid, racism and discrimination at the time. Israel’s ties with African states became even stronger following the Suez Crisis in 1956, when Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion developed the “Periphery Doctrine.”

According to that doctrine, in order to weaken the surrounding enemy Arab states, Israel needed to establish alliances with states in the periphery of the Middle East, like Ethiopia, and establish alliances with minority groups in enemy Arab states, like the Christian rebels in southern Sudan. It was in the framework of the Periphery Doctrine that Israel built its strong alliance with Uganda, which at the time — and to this day — served as a channel for the flow of Israeli military aid to South Sudan.

After the 1967 war and the ensuing Israeli occupation of Syrian and Egyptian territory, the occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, and the birth of the settlement enterprise, criticism of Israel began to grow in volume. In the eyes of much of the world, the State of Israel had become an occupying and colonialist regime. At the same time, Arab states began sending money and oil to fragile African states.

Soon after the end of the Yom Kippur War in 1973, many unaligned states, and almost all African states, cut their diplomatic ties with Israel. And as Israel became more isolated, it started building security-based relationships with some of the most brutal regimes in Africa, Latin America, Asia and the Caribbean.

Cold War, cold economic interests

The logic behind the military exports to many of these countries was purely economic, like with Burundi and the Central African Republic....

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+972 is an independent, blog-based web magazine. It was launched in August 2010, resulting from a merger of a number of popular English-language blogs dealing with life and politics in Israel and Palestine.

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