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PHOTOS: Hundreds clash with police at protest for Palestinian hunger striker

‘Today we saw police brutality,’ says a participant at protest for Palestinian hunger striker Muhammad Allan in Ashkelon. ‘They used severe violence against us, as they let the right-wing protesters attack us.’

Text by Rami Younis, Photos by Oren Ziv/

Hundreds of Palestinians protested in Ashkelon Sunday night for the release of hunger striker Mohammad Allan, a Palestinian prisoner who has not eaten for more than 60 days in resistance of his administrative detention, a controversial practice which denies the standard rights to trial and to knowledge of charges against the suspect.

The protesters arrived in four buses from Jerusalem, Jaffa and northern Israel, and were planning to hold a vigil outside Barzili Hospital, where Allan is currently being treated, but were blocked by the police for over half an hour. When the activists made their way to the hospital, the police approached them with pepper spray and used skunk water cannons and pepper spray to disperse the crowds.

Eight activists were arrested, at least four of whom were sent to the local hospital due to injuries sustained by police attacks.

“Today we saw police brutality,” a participant, Fadi Masmara, told 972. ”They attacked a protester saying that it’s forbidden to hold signs, they took a Palestinian flag from another and broke it. They used severe violence against us as they let the right wing protesters attack us.”

Right-wing protesters also gathered near the hospital, and attacked a Palestinian reporter, damaging her car, and attempted to attack the Palestinian activists. Many passed police lines and threw stones and bottles toward the Palestinian side. Five were arrested as the group chanted, ”Death to Arabs,”  ”Death to the journalists,” and ”In Gaza, no one is in school, since there are no children left.”

Mohammed Allan, 31, a lawyer from the area of Nablus, has been held by Israel in administrative detention since November 2014. Allan is on his 64th day of hunger strike, intended to secure his release.

He has refused treatment in the hospital, including salt and nutrient additives, but is reportedly drinking water.

When Allan’s condition worsened over the weekend, doctors anesthetized him in order to give him treatment without resistance. Many believe this may be a step toward force feeding him, a practice which according to the Israel Medical Association is a “form of torture,” yet was sanctioned by the Knesset with a new law last month.

“This demonstration was supposed...

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Administrative detention being used to push controversial 'terror law'

A new bill that paves the way for putting Israeli citizens in administrative detention could one day affect activists, human rights workers, and Palestinian citizens of Israel.

By Sawsan Khalife’

A week after the Shin Bet recommended that Defense Minister Moshe Ya’alon sign off on administrative detention for two Jewish Israelis following the attack in the Palestinian village of Duma, he also recommended the Knesset pass an “anti-terrorism bill.”

The bill, which has been sitting on the shelf of the Knesset’s Constitution, Law and Justice Committee, authorizes the defense minister to use administrative detention without the standard prerequisite of declaring a “state of emergency” (which has been in place, essentially, since Israel’s founding). The law refers specifically to the administrative detention of Israeli civilians, since Palestinians in the occupied territories already live under a military regime.

The law will allow the court 48 hours to review the confidential evidence at hand, while the suspect will be denied the right to know the charges against him or her. Then the court will decide whether it approves or rejects an administrative detention order of up to six months, with the possibility for extension.

Different versions of this law have been discussed over the past several years in the Constitution, Law and Justice Committee. Until the dissolution of the last Knesset in December, a number of discussions on the bill dealt only with the question of defining a “terrorist act.” According to the bill, a terrorist act is carried out of political, ideological, religious, or racist motivations. It is also an act that intends to inspire fear among the public in order to place pressure on the government to act or cease acting a certain way.

This general definition can easily be used as a means of blocking any type of struggle against government policy, social or otherwise. The use of administrative detention against settlers is a slippery slope, which could one day affect social activists, human rights workers, and Palestinian citizens of Israel.

Administrative detention is a violation of basic human rights. It is the detention of a person for an undefined period, which denies them the right to trial, knowledge of the charges or even hearing the evidence presented against them (if there was satisfactory evidence, the suspect would have formally been brought to trial).

There are approximately 400 Palestinians currently in administrative detention. Approximately...

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Administrative detention: 'Because I said so' ruling

Administrative detention does not allow the accused to learn the charges against him, and therefore cannot defend himself against it. It’s a sort of parallel universe where due process doesn’t exist, and you go to jail simply because someone said so.

By Talal Jabari

In February, a viral video showed an Israeli passenger on an Israeli airline who really wanted to purchase duty-free chocolate and who felt that she was being neglected by the flight attendant. That feeling of neglect quickly turned into anger, and she began shouting, “What am I, an Arab?” to the support of at least one other passenger, who echoed, “What is she, an Arab? Sell her the chocolate!”

How horrific it must have felt for them to be treated as Arabs, which, in their eyes, as naturally inferior.

And if Israelis get that riled up about chocolate, I can’t even begin to imagine how they must feel about their government’s recent decision to implement administrative detention against Israeli citizens.

For those of you who aren’t familiar with the concept of administrative detention, because so far it’s been a Palestinian affliction, and as such, not of major concern, the practice is, to me understood as the “because I said so” ruling. You know, when you were a child and you asked your parents for something that you thought was reasonable and they said no. You asked why, and they said, “because I said so.”

It’s the same thing with administrative detention. If there is concrete evidence of any wrong-doing–and that’s a big if–you are not privy to it, and therefore cannot defend yourself against it. It’s a sort of parallel universe where due process doesn’t exist, and you go to jail simply because someone said so.

Currently, there are 370 Palestinian administrative detainees in Israeli facilities according to the human rights watch group B’Tselem. The majority of them were sentenced to six months, which many times is repeatedly extended before the period is over, with the same disregard for due process.

The overwhelming majority of those detainees have done nothing wrong besides belonging to Palestinian political factions. In some cases, the security establishment’s crystal ball indicates that they might do something to compromise the security of the state at some point in the future. In many cases, they are directly related to someone who has committed an offense, thus, guilty by association.

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Palestinian prisoner in coma after 60 day hunger strike

Palestinian prisoner Muhammad Allan, who has been on hunger strike for two months, fell into a coma Friday morning and was placed on a respirator after his health significantly deteriorated overnight.

Palestinian prisoner Muhammad Allan, who has been on hunger strike for 60 days, fell into a coma Friday morning and was placed on a respirator after his health significantly deteriorated overnight, the Palestinian Prisoner’s Society said.

Israel has said that it may use the controversial practice of force-feeding if his death appears to be imminent, though Allan is reported to be in stable condition.

Allan, 31, allegedly a member of Islamic Jihad, had refused any medical treatment, vitamins or minerals but had been drinking water. He received fluids in the hospital since losing consciousness, though it was not clear what kind.

“The condition of Mohammed Allan deteriorated this morning. He is receiving treatment and his condition is stable. The treatment is being administered according to the ethics committee guidelines and includes respiration and intravenous fluids and saline,” said a spokesperson for Barzilai hospital in Askelon, Israel in a statement.

“Despite his very fragile and critical situation, the Israeli Prison Service still insists to keep Mr. Allan shackled by foot and arm to what could potentially become his deathbed in a very inhumane treatment and gesture,” read an appeal issued yesterday by the Palestinian Human Rights Organizations Council, the Arab Association for Human Rights, Adalah and Physicians for Human Rights in an attempt to urge Israel to free Allan in order to save his life. The Israeli Prisoners Service denied the request.

Mohammad Allan is an attorney from Einabus, a village south of Nablus. He has been held under administrative detention, without trial or known charges, since his arrest in November.

He is hospitalized at the Barzilai Medical Center in Ashkelon, where Palestinian media sources say he suffered a seizure last night. He was transferred to Ashkelon from the intensive care unit at Soroka Hospital in Beersheva, where doctors refused to force feed him.

According to his lawyer, Allan has been on hunger strike at least 60 days in protest of administrative detention.

Last month, the Israeli Knesset legalized the procedure of force feeding if the prisoners’ life is in danger, sparking outrage among human rights workers and the Israeli medical community who define the practice as a form of torture.

A week after the law was...

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What I learned touring the rubble piles of Gaza

A year after the devastating war on Gaza, an activist visits human rights defenders still working among piles of rubble and roiling from trauma.

By Jen Marlowe

I crouched on the floor of the beat-up Mercedes yellow cab, so that I could film Yaser Abed Alkhafor at a better angle.  We were driving slowly through Khuza’a, a town near the southern Gaza Strip city of Khan Younes.

“We can see that the destruction in Khuza’a didn’t target only one place, but it is mass destruction targeting the whole area,” Alkhafor said, pointing to the destroyed homes lining the road.

Alkhafor, a field worker for the Palestinian Center for Human Rights (PCHR), narrated precisely what had occurred with each passing pile of rubble.

“Here the body of Ghadeer Abu Rujaila [a 17 year old disabled girl who was among dozens of civilians shelled while fleeing Khuza’a] stayed on her wheelchair. She was injured and left to bleed to death. She was left nearly an entire week here until a lull occurred on August 1st, and her family was able to retrieve her body.”

When Alkhafor entered Khuza’a on the first day of the lull in violence, “the smell of death was everywhere,” he recalled. Rescue workers had not yet been able to pick up the bodies strewn along the street.  “The sights we saw in Khuza’a, the magnitude of the destruction, was of a scale I had never witnessed in my 12 years of working in the human rights field,” he said.

Human rights in an Israeli prison

Jaber Wishah, deputy director of branch affairs at PCHR, underscored the philosophy and importance of their work as an effort to “document, monitor, and follow up on the violations perpetrated regardless of who the perpetrator is, the Israeli occupying force or Palestinian [authorities]… We aim to both promote and protect human rights and to deter perpetrators.”

Wishah entered the field of human rights by accident, while he served a 15-year sentence in an Israeli prison for militant activities. There, he had led a hunger strike, and developed boils due to an insufficient recovery process. He was taken for medical treatment with his legs shackled and hands cuffed behind his back, where he met an Israeli doctor who ordered him to pull down his trousers.

“How can I, doctor? I’m hand-cuffed from behind,” Wishah responded.

“That’s none of my business. Take...

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Bedouin tent burned in alleged 'price tag' attack

A tent belonging to a Bedouin in the West Bank was torched in an apparent ‘revenge’ attack.

By +972 Magazine Staff

A Bedouin tent was burned Wednesday night in Ain Samiya, in the West Bank, in a suspected attack by the “price tag” movement, a group of pro-settler Israelis who vow that for every time the government seeks to curb settlement expansion it will exact a “price” by attacking Palestinian properties or persons.

The tent was not occupied at the time, and only contained food that was intended for the Bedouin owner’s herds, according to the human rights NGO Rabbis for Human Rights (RHR) which arrived to the scene. On a rock nearby the perpetrators left graffiti, reading, “administrative revenge,” possibly in reference to the administrative detention policy applied in the past weeks to militant “price taggers,” by which suspects deemed terrorists are not provided a trial or informed of the charges against them.

“It’s time for the Israeli government to put all the efforts in bringing right wing Jewish extremists to justice, but administrative detentions are not the answer,” said RHR spokesman Yariv Mohar.

While there have been thousands of attacks since 2005, less than 8 percent have resulted in indictments, according to the NGO Yesh Din.

“Price taggers” were suspected by the Israeli police in a fatal July 31 attack on the Palestinian village of Duma, which killed eighteen-month-old baby Ali Saad Dawabshah and his father, Saad Dawabsha.

Since, the Israeli government has embarked on an official crack down in order to curtail what Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has called “Jewish terrorism.”

A number of high profile right-wing activists were arrested and placed under administrative detention, including Meir Ettinger, the grandson of ultra-nationalist Rabbi Meir Kahana whose Kach party was outlawed by the Israeli government for racism, and who is believed to be involved in an underground movement planning to attack civilians and oust the Israeli government in favor of a more authentic “Jewish state.”

In response to the crack down, many from the pro-settler movement have responded with disdain and accusations of betrayal, calling the campaign “a terror attack on Judaism,” in the words of Ettinger, who wrote a blog post on August 4 on the issue on the ultra-right website The Jewish Voice.

While nine suspects were arrested in direct connection with the fatal July 31 attack in Duma, none have yet been brought to court.

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Jewish Iran deal supporters booted from New York town hall meeting

When a group of New York activists stood silently in support of the Iran deal at a meeting in Brooklyn, they were accused of being ‘Arabs’ and wishing to send Jews off to the ‘gas chambers.’

By +972 Magazine Staff

Four Jewish activists were booed and shown the door when they expressed their support for the Iran deal at a town hall style meeting with Democratic Congressman Hakeem Jeffries in Brooklyn Tuesday night.

Sitting in the back section of the Flatbush Jewish Center, the group stood up during the question-and-answer portion of the meeting and silently hoisted signs, reading, “Another Jew who says no war with Iran.”

The mostly conservative audience responded with accusations such as, “You’re going to send all of us to the gas chambers!” Another called them “Arabs” and asked them where they were keeping their PLO flags.

“There’s something a little bit sad that in a room full of Jews like that, I would feel so unsafe,” said Simone Zimmerman, one of the activists, who belongs to the anti-occupation group If Not Now. She arrived to the town hall meeting after hearing that the liberal pro-deal organizations J-Street and MoveOn were encouraging their members to take advantage of opportunities to discuss the deal with congressional representatives.

One audience member approached the group and tore up one of the posters, causing others in the audience to clap. Security then requested that the group leave, and when a reporter and the congressman’s staff approached the group, the synagogue’s president asked that they not give any interviews.

“I’m scared of what might happen if Iran obtains a nuclear weapon–just like the folks who tore our posters and shouted ‘shame!’ at us,” said, Andrew Gordon-Kirsch, one of the activists. “But I can’t let my fears alone move us to war. I believe we’re safer when working diplomatically, certainly more so than working militarily.”

The event, attended by hundreds in the community, was hosted by AIPAC, Agudath Israel of America, the Orthodox Union, and a number of other conservative-leaning Jewish organizations.

It was publicized as a “special briefing” which would welcome questions or comments from the congressman’s constituency. But the activists said that the tone of the speakers was “condescending,” meant to obfuscate rather than clarify the aspects of the deal, and to leave the audience feeling helpless rather than enlightened.

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The only way to end Palestinian hunger strikes

We have become so accustomed to the idea that detaining people without charge or trial is fine. So much so that the discussion now revolves around how we should allow them to die, rather than why we have reached this point in the first place.

By Yael Marom and Noam Rotem

It may be true that Attorney Mohammed Allan, who has been on hunger strike against his administrative detention for the past 54 days, is a bloodthirsty criminal. It may be true that Meir Ettinger, who was put in administrative detention last week, is the source of all evil in the world. But if this is true, let the army, the police, or the Shin Bet produce evidence agains them. They will go to court, be served with an indictment, and stand before the judge. This is how it works in a country that pretends to be democratic. A person is innocent until proven guilty.

The use of administrative detention, in which a detainee is held indefinitely without trial or charge, can only be deemed legal in very extenuating circumstances — a last resort to prevent potential danger. Israel is currently holding approximately 400 administrative detainees in its prison. Throughout the years, the majority of administrative detainees were not arrested as “ticking bombs,” but rather as leaders of organizations or communities (political prisoners) or as a replacement for criminal proceedings in which the state prefers not to reveal the evidence against the detainee. Sometimes, administrative detention is used as a threatening, arbitrary measure of the occupation. Some families of detainees describe, whether jokingly or not, that their sons were arrested as part of a “deal” with the Palestinian Authority, which seeks to get rid of them without paying the political price for doing so.

The main collaborators in Israel’s excessive use of administrative detainee are the courts. Those that are meant to be the gatekeepers are willing to be the rubber stamp for procedures that are clearly not up to the standard of the law, not to mention justice. At best, those in the justice system clean their consciousness years later through films or signing hollow petitions. In real time, however, they may express discomfort, while continuing their closed-door discussions to approve the disproportionate use of administrative detention.

The injustice is all the more apparent when the detainee nonviolently struggles against his...

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'I was force-fed six times — in a Soviet prison'

As Israel contemplates force-feeding Palestinian hunger striker Muhammad Allan, a rabbi and human rights activist recalls how he was force-fed six times while imprisoned by the Soviet regime. The pain and humiliation remain with him until today.

By Rabbi Michael Rivkin

I was force-fed twice in two different periods of my life. The first time was by the KGB in Moscow, January 1983. A court hearing at the supreme court was set for the end of January. On the day of the hearing I was not brought before a judge, nor was I presented with any new information on my status or my detention. After two days I declared a hunger strike, demanding that I be tried or released. Two hundred other detainees made similar demands.

On my fourth day of hunger strike the head of the detention center, Lieutenant-Colonel Petrenko walked into my cell. He looked into my eyes for some time and told me: “Rivkin, there is a medical opinion approved by the prosecutor, which says that you can be force-fed. We will feed you through your nose. It will hurt you, no one lasts longer than once. Even if you do last, you will end your hunger strike anyway. So what difference does it make — a day before or a day after? Save yourself the unnecessary suffering.” I am not sure about the others, but I really didn’t make it past one force-feeding.

Four people entered the cell, all of them dressed in white robes on top of their uniforms. They strapped me to the bed, even though it wasn’t necessary. They stuck a feeding tube into my nose and my head burst with pain. Forget struggling, I couldn’t even move my head. The procedure lasted only a few minutes, but it felt like years. After they removed the tube, I laid motionless on the bed for a few hours, blood gushing from my nose.

What was the story here? There was absolutely no medical reason to force-feed a healthy person on his fourth day of hunger strike. There was absolutely no reason to feed me through my nose. Petrenko told me very openly that the goal was not to put food into my stomach, but to cause me such pain that it would put an end to my hunger strike.

Less pain, more humiliation

In truth, this kind of torture...

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Pride murder may force Israel’s ultra-Orthodox to face homophobia

Homophobia in the ultra-Orthodox community is primarily expressed through silence — it simply isn’t discussed. After a haredi man stabbed six people at the Jerusalem Pride Parade, that silence may have been tragically broken.

By Eli Bitan

In the summer of 2006 I first learned about gays, lesbians and the LGBT community, concepts that until then, as a 15-year-old haredi (ultra-Orthodox) yeshiva student, I was completely unfamiliar with. The haredi community made a colossal mistake that summer by launching a struggle against the international Pride Parade scheduled to take place in Jerusalem that year. The result was catastrophic for haredis in Israel: within the span of a few weeks, every haredi child learned what LGBT and Pride were, and what it means to come out of the closet. It was possibly Israel’s most successful LGBT campaign ever.

To their credit, within a month the haredis understood their mistake and decreed thunderous silence on the entire issue. The trauma is still seared into the flesh of the haredi community — almost 10 years have passed and the silence still prevails. There is no struggle, there are no condemnations, no campaigns against the LGBT community or its various parades. The reason: there is a deep understanding that struggle begets exposure, and the haredi community will do anything and everything to prevent exposure.

The haredi community in Israel is comprised of nearly 900,000 people, the vast majority of whom live in concentrated and insular neighborhoods and communities. It is characterized as ultra-Orthodox and in the Knesset, Israel’s parliament, it controls both the United Torah Judaism and Shas political parties.

The murder of Shira Banki at the Jerusalem Pride Parade last week was met with astonishment on the haredi street. The last time Yishai Schlissel stabbed people at the same Pride Parade in 2005, the entire story went over the heads of most haredis — haredi news outlets didn’t cover the stabbings and Schlissel was labeled a crazy person. Actually, Israeli society as a whole did the same, and the public discourse did not cast blame on the community from which the stabber came.

This time is different. Maybe it’s the influence of social media on the public agenda, and perhaps it s a reflection of the years since then in which LGBT rights have gone mainstream in Israel (remember that in 2005 even Shimon Peres opposed holding the Pride Parade...

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Jailing Palestinians for decades won't stop stone throwing

Instead of imprisoning stone throwers for 20 years, Israelis should push to end the policies that sow despair among Palestinians.

By Emily Schaeffer Omer-Man

In my early years as an activist and lawyer, during my first ever television interview in the field, I made the fatal and very amateur mistake of not talking in “sound bites.” When asked to talk about stone throwing at demonstrations in Bil’in, I provided an elaborate, well-thought out response describing the complex dynamics and context of stone throwing in Palestinian demonstrations across the West Bank. But that evening, my primetime debut included only one half-sentence, apparently edited to suit the needs of the station: “It is true that stones are sometimes thrown in demonstrations in Bil’in.” I was mortified, to say the least.

This article aspires to right the wrong perpetrated by a TV station that shall remain unnamed. (While they apologized for distorting my words, they never issued a correction.)

Last month the Knesset passed a bill amending Israel’s penal code, entrenching in the law more robust definitions that attach severe penalties for throwing stones at security personnel and their vehicles, as well as at civilians and their vehicles. Prior to this law there were two ways that stone throwers were criminally charged, neither of which was satisfactory to the legislators. Some stone throwers were charged with obstructing a police officer and/or intentionally sabotaging a vehicle, which lawmakers alleged was not commensurate with the gravity of the crime.

The amendment was proposed as an attempt to circumvent the issue of proving mens rea (criminal intent) — one of the basic principles of criminal law in a democratic country. The amendment creates a new offense, placing throwing stones (or other objects) or firing at a police officer or police vehicle under the category of obstructing a police officer or intentionally sabotaging a vehicle, and is it punishable by up to a five-year sentence. In addition, a graduated offense — firing a weapon or throwing stones or objects at civilian vehicles in transit in a way that endangers human life or the vehicle itself — was added, carrying a penalty of 10 years’ imprisonment. If intent is proven, that sentence can climb to 20 years.

Let’s set the record straight this time. There are three major contexts in which stones are thrown in Israel/Palestine, but only two of them seem to be the target of...

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WATCH: Breaking the Palestinian taboo on the Holocaust

Dr. Mohammed Dajani challenged one of the biggest taboos in Palestinian society when he took a group of Palestinian students to visit the death camps of Europe. Without this kind of education, he says, reconciliation is impossible.  

By Adam Grannick

In 2014, Dr. Mohammed Dajani, formerly director and founder of the American Studies Institute at Al-Quds University, stirred controversy after he led a group of Palestinian students on an educational trip to the Auschwitz Nazi death camp in Poland.

Upon Dajani’s return from Poland and in the subsequent weeks and months, he faced defamation and violent backlash, including his car being torched. “We are breaking a big taboo,” he explains. “We are challenging the collective narrative of the Palestinians regarding the Holocaust.” For him, reconciliation is impossible without this type of education.

Dajani comes from a background of strong Palestinian nationalism, and his intention was far from convincing his students to adopt the Zionist narrative. Rather, he wanted to give his students an opportunity to learn more about the conflict’s roots.

Moreover, it is difficult to deal with the idea that Holocaust education is a betrayal of the Palestinian cause. “There was a demonstration by Hamas, where they brought guns and models of rockets… and people argued that this was freedom of speech,” Dajani says. “But taking students to learn about the Holocaust, people did not consider to be academic freedom.”

Even so, the impact of the trip goes far beyond the backlash he and his students received. One of the trip participants, a young woman, emotionally explains that she “couldn’t sleep well, because of the nightmares. I felt like there were millions of people living here, and they just disappeared… in a moment.”

Dajani is extremely uncomfortable with Jews using the Holocaust “to rationalize, for [Palestinians], why they had to deport us from our homes in order for them to come and live in them. It doesn’t mean,” he insists, “that if we learn about the Holocaust we will not demand our rights, or [will] lose our national identity.”

Adam Grannick is the Multimedia Producer at the Moral Courage Project. He tweets at @moralcourage.

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+972 writer Samah Salaime given award for work on gender equality

Samah Salaime, of +972 and its Hebrew sister site Local Call, is honored for her activism advancing women’s rights in Israel by Radio a-Shams.

+972 Magazine and Local Call blogger Samah Salaime received an award last week from Radio A-Shams in Nazareth for her work promoting the status of Arab women and gender equality in Israeli society, as well as for the struggle against violence. Salaime received the award at a ceremony marking 12 years since the establishment of Radio A-Shams, the most prominent radio station among the Arab sector in Israel.

Salaime’s writing for both +972 and its Hebrew sister site, Local Call, were given as one of the reason of being awarded the prize.

Salaime is the founder and head of Na’am, an NGO that supports Arab women in Ramle, Lod and Jaffa, and by fighting against gender violence. She also works in Neve Shalom/Wahat Al-Salam — a joint Arab-Jewish village near Jerusalem. Also mentioned in the speech was her involvement in a long list of educational and social initiatives dealing with majority-minority relations in Israel society.

Other recipients of the award, bestowed annually upon Israelis who work on different issues relating to co-existence and equal rights between Jews and Arabs, include former President of the Supreme Court Aharon Barak, Avraham Burg, author Salman Natour and Sheikh Kamal Riyan.

“At a time when extremism is rearing its ugly head, we at Radio A-Shams have decided to give these awards to the same people who brighten our lives with the light of hope, and succeed against the odds to work and entrench Israeli democracy, and are committed to cooperation between the two nations,” said Radio A-Shams head Suheil Karam.

The +972 team wishes Samah Salaime congratulations! Mabrook!

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+972 is an independent, blog-based web magazine. It was launched in August 2010, resulting from a merger of a number of popular English-language blogs dealing with life and politics in Israel and Palestine.

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