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A professor's freedom to tweet: The Steven Salaita affair

A Palestinian American professor’s withering tweets against Israel’s offensive in Gaza cost him his job. If his freedom of speech isn’t protected, it could be me or you next.

By Shachar Pinsker

In 2013, the American-Indian Studies Program at The University of Illinois decided to hire Steven Salaita, who then held a tenured position at Virginia Tech University. The university’s administration approved the appointment via a standard procedure that seemed to go smoothly. So in 2014, Salaita resigned from Virginia Tech, sold his house and moved with his family to Urbana-Champagne. But then, something very unlikely happened.

On August 1, Salaita received an email from Phyllis Wise, the U of I chancellor, informing him that his job offer had been rescinded. Wise wrote that the position was subject to approval by the university’s Board of Trustees, but in his case, the appointment would not even be submitted to the Board.  “We believe that an affirmative Board vote approving your appointment is unlikely,” Wise wrote. “We therefore will not be in a position to appoint you to the faculty.”

This was a very unusual decision, because Board approval is typically no more than a formality. However, that changed when Salaita, an American citizen of Palestinian decent, expressed his rage against Israel in a series of tweets about the war in Gaza in July, which he posted on his Twitter account. (The New York Times published a report with a selection of those tweets so you get an idea). Until the summer of 2014, nobody at U of I questioned Salaita’s scholarship on Native American and Palestinian issues (his scholarship and publications are strongly tied to his political activism).

However, after an exposé on Salaita in The Daily Caller, an extreme right-wing electronic newspaper, as well as a charge of anti-Semitism from The Simon Wiesenthal Center  Campus Outreach program, there was major concern about his tweets and political positions. There seems also to be a trove of documents showing that the university administration turned against Salaita due to pressure from rich donors, whose interest is apparently well represented by the Board. “Having been a multiple six figure donor to Illinois over the years, I know our support is ending as we vehemently disagree with the approach this individual espouses,” wrote one U of I business school graduate, for example.

Wise’s decision attracted much attention and...

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Formula 1 promo de-Arabizes Jerusalem skyline

Q: If you’re the Jerusalem mayor, how do you market your city to tourists? A: Erase all the non-Jewish landmarks.

By Eldad Brin

Take a second to look at the new logo for the second annual Jerusalem Formula 1 Road Show:

The logo of the second annual Jerusalem Formula 1 event.

Logo of the second annual Jerusalem Formula 1 Road Show.

Let’s put aside the fact that the promotional logo, which was printed and put up in the thousands across the city using the municipal tax money of its residents, and which seeks to promote an event for the good of those very residents, does not include a caption in the mother tongue of 40 percent of them. But we won’t get petty over these details, nor over the fact that Jerusalem has no relation to race cars, or that perhaps it would be wiser to put the money (which does not only come from sponsors) toward matters far more pressing for the city.

Let’s take a look at the logo itself. Somewhere there is a copywriter, obviously Jewish, who is sitting and thinking (or perhaps someone above is thinking for him/her): What symbolizes Jerusalem? What does the typical Jerusalem skyline look like? Well, from left to right we have the Chords Bridge, the Montifiori Windmill, the Tower of David, the Jerusalem City Tower, and all the way to the right we see the new arena – a rather recent creation that by no means constitutes a remarkable architectural icon. What is missing from the skyline? There are no churches, or at least none that we can identify. There is no Al-Aqsa Mosque. And worst of all: Where did the Dome of the Rock, the ultimate Jerusalem icon, disappear to?

Read: The illusion of religious freedom in Jerusalem

Can you imagine a flyer for a “Formula New York” event with no Empire State or Chrysler Building in the background? A “Formula 1 Paris” with no shadow of the Eiffel Tower or “Formula 1 London” without a Big Ben or the London Eye? Here in Jerusalem, where the mayor makes every effort to brand the city as a tourist attraction on the same level as Rome and Barcelona, there is an intentional and conscious denial of its most well-known “trademark.”

But why complain when we have...

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The many denials of liberal Zionism

From its origins until today, liberal Zionism has been unable to reconcile Israeli policies of dispossession and military control with the image of a democratic state. Is it merely a matter of semantics, or inherent to the ideology? Part two of Ran Greenstein’s analysis.

By Ran Greenstein

As discussed in the previous part of this article, liberal Zionists like Arthur Ruppin and Hans Kohn responded in divergent ways to the challenge of reconciling broad universal values with narrow Zionist aims. What they shared with other activists and intellectuals, though, was full realization of the costs involved in their choices. This is not the case for most present-day Israeli liberals, who take the post-1948, post-Nakba realities for granted, as the starting point for looking at the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

One way of looking at the dilemmas facing liberal Zionism today is through the notion of denial, or the refusal to acknowledge historical context, which continues to shape our political scene. This context reflects long-term processes and can be broken down by the key dates with which these processes are associated. In each case they built on existing trends to set in motion a new round of developments that shaped the subsequent period. Let us consider each in turn and discuss their implications.

Israelis take part in a protest calling for peace negotiations between Israel and Palestinian, Tel Aviv, on August 16, 2014. Thousands of demonstrators gathered on Saturday for a pro-peace rally under the slogan: 'Changing Direction: Toward Peace, Away From War.' (photo: Activestills)

Israelis take part in a protest calling for peace negotiations between Israel and Palestinians, Tel Aviv, on August 16, 2014. Thousands of demonstrators gathered on Saturday for a pro-peace rally under the slogan: ‘Changing Direction: Toward Peace, Away From War.’ (photo: Activestills)

The denial of 1917

This was the year of the Balfour Declaration, which asserted British support for the quest of the Zionist movement to establish “a national home for the Jewish people” in Palestine, based on the understanding that “nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities” in the country. It set in motion a process of mass immigration of Jews into the country and the re-construction of the Jewish community as a separate political entity, on its way...

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Why must Gaza wait in the dark?

Separating Gaza’s electricity supply from the political conflict is a step long overdue.

By Sam Bahour

Palestians gather near a fire in the At-Tuffah district of Gaza City, which was heavily damaged by Israeli attacks during the latest offensive, Gaza City, September 6, 2014.

Palestinians gather near a fire in the At-Tuffah district of Gaza City, which was heavily damaged by Israeli attacks during the latest offensive, Gaza City, September 6, 2014.

When I asked my colleague in Gaza about her biggest dream, her answer made an impression on me: “I dream of what life would be like with 24-hour electricity.” This was the answer of a single, mid-career, western educated, professional woman who lives in the more affluent part of Gaza City. Her response suggests the depth of despair among Palestinians throughout Gaza.

Day-to-day life in Gaza between Israeli attacks is unworthy news for Western mainstream media. As a result, few people are aware that electricity in Gaza is a luxury, with blackouts lasting 16-18 hours—every day. This bitter reality has warped people’s lives for years now, as they must plan their daily activities around the four-six hours when they anticipate electricity, even if that means waking up to put laundry in the washing machine in the middle of the night.

Smoke and flames rise from Gaza

Smoke rises from the power plant in Gaza hit by Israeli missile strikes on July 29, 2014. (photo: UN)

Contrary to common belief, the severe undersupply of electricity in Gaza is not new, and not a result of the latest military aggression. Gaza has not had uninterrupted electricity since the establishment of the Palestinian Authority in 1994. In an attempt to compensate for the Israeli disruption of Gaza’s power supply, the Palestinians established their first power generation plant in 2004. Ever since, Israel has regularly limited the supply of electricity and industrial fuel needed to operate this only power plant in Gaza. Israel’s ability to deny families in Gaza the energy they need is nothing less than collective punishment of Palestinians—an entire community is made to pay for the acts of a few.

Separating Gaza’s electricity supply from the political conflict is a step long overdue. Access to electricity—a basic necessity that...

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The dehydration of economic peace

The irony of Rawabi is that everyone, in both Israel and Palestine, seems to want it to happen. Nevertheless, Palestine’s first planned city still lacks a stable water connection, its continued cash flow is threatened and despite their best intentions, interested parties the globe-over cannot bring the project any farther forward. Officials involved in the project say a political power play — part of Netanyahu’s bid to undermine the Palestinian unity government — is the only thing stopping the water from flowing. 

By Corey Sherman

Construction in the new Palestinian city of Rawabi. (Photo by Oren Ziv/Activestills.org)

Construction in the new Palestinian city of Rawabi. (Photo by Oren Ziv/Activestills.org)

“Rawabi,” Amir Dejani says, “is about the future.”

The deputy managing director of Rawabi, Dejani sits behind his desk with a neon construction vest on top of a neatly pressed short-sleeve button down shirt. His two cell phones periodically buzz and ring—not to mention his email notifications, and landline telephone—though he interrupts our conversation only once to offer me coffee and water.

The project, Palestine’s first planned new city, “is about creating hope, building for a better future [with] better schooling, healthcare services, infrastructure, a green city, a modern city focused on creating a more sustainable way of living, focusing on environmental concerns, bridging relations between local and international firms providing professional services to the tenants and residents.”

Rawabi’s future seems rather far away, however. It lacks a stable water connection; its continued cash flow is threatened; and interested parties the globe-over cannot bring the project any farther forward. Rawabi’s tenuous state, perhaps overshadowed by the wars to Palestine’s north, is nevertheless a part of the larger regional puzzle—and threatened by the same factors of instability.

The main hurdle at the moment is moving the project’s first residents into their new homes. But Rawabi simply doesn’t have enough water: the 300 to 500 cubic meters of water a week provided to Rawabi by the regional Palestinian water authority, the Jerusalem Water Undertaking, is just barely enough to keep construction going, Dejani explained to +972.

The solution they seek is seemingly exceedingly simple: just three kilometers away, in the Palestinian village of Umm Safa’, is a connection point belonging to the Israeli national water company, Mekorot. Hooking up in Umm Safa’, Dejani says, will provide the city-to-be with 300 cubic meters per day,...

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Between Yom Kippur and Eid al-Adha: Navigating stone-throwing with Waze

Tensions in Israel are increasing as the Jewish fast and the Muslim feast are set to take place on the same day. But should Muslims give up their holiday joy just to ensure that Jews are not disturbed?

By Samah Salaime Egbariya (translated from Hebrew by Sol Salbe)

Once every 33 years it happens: Muslims celebrate Eid al-Adha, the Feast of the Sacrifice, and on the same day the Jews are engaged in introspection each looking at their relations with others in the world, and seeking forgiveness, on Yom Kippur. Jews fast while we feast from dawn to dusk in a rare and inexplicable festivity. I assure you that occasionally jokes are cracked about our fast, a month-long fast, compared to our Jewish cousins’ single day which they are unable to withstand.

But this year we must celebrate this holiday, no matter what. Because during the summer, nobody celebrated Eid al-Fitr at the height of the war on Gaza, and we don’t have another holiday until next summer.

Eid al-Adha in Jerusalem (Photo by Asim Bharwani, CC)

Eid al-Adha in Jerusalem (Photo by Asim Bharwani, CC)

We dub this holiday “Al Eid al Kabir” “the Great holiday.” In Judaism, Yom Kippur, is “the holiest day of the year”. In our holiday, in addition to sacrificing lots of sheep and calves, emulating the Prophet Ibrahim (Abraham) who was on the verge of sacrificing his son Ishmael (Ismail), we have another custom. We each visit all our family members, including those who live outside the neighborhood. We travel wherever we need to travel and greet everyone. In my case I expect to be calling on no less than 30 homes, greeting and well-wishing relatives on a long journey of ten villages and towns. And that’s just the obligatory visits, not including hosting others, restaurants and a fun trip for the children to compensate them for enduring the arduous trip. And here my stress level rises as a mother of three children whom I really don’t feel like sacrificing for anything or anyone.

An Iron Dome for Arab vehicles

For a moment I thought how nice it would be to travel on empty roads not being concerned with looking at red paths marked on the Waze app. But that sweet little dream dissipated in a flash. A warning light came...

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In Silwan, the settlers are winning - big time

Seven years of struggle and Silwan’s residents can’t claim even one tangible and clear victory. Not one home has been returned to its original residents, not one settler has left and the police and Israeli authorities continue to target Palestinian residents.

By Yonathan Mizrachi

The East Jerusalem neighborhood of Silwan is seen from a protest tent built by local activists, March 3, 2014. (Photo by Ryan Rodrick Beiler/Activestills.org)

The East Jerusalem neighborhood of Silwan is seen from a protest tent built by local activists, March 3, 2014. (Photo by Ryan Rodrick Beiler/Activestills.org)

The East Jerusalem neighborhood of Silwan got its first-ever community center, Madaa, in October 2007. At the same time, a diverse group of activists, primarily Jerusalemites, began a number of types of actions and struggles for the future of the village of Silwan and, it must be said, for the future of the entire region. Among others, our organization — Emek Shaveh, a group of archeologists whose activities primarily focus on settler organization Elad’s use of the “City of David” archaeological site — came into existence. Over the years, different groups of Israelis appeared and were active in the village for various periods. All of the Israeli organizations included tours for the wider public, and  legal and activist struggles against settlers and in cooperation with the Palestinian residents.

Read more: Settlers take over homes in dead of night

Seven years after the Madaa center was established and just a few days after the settler takeover of 25 apartments in the village put Silwan back into the news is as good a time as any for a little reflection. Maybe it’s also related to Yom Kippur — the Jewish day of atonement. In times like these, when the right wing in Israel succeeds in altering reality on the ground, it would be good to write about our successes and to raise morale. And there is no small number of successes, from halting or delaying settler takeovers by blocking their entrance into certain homes, and primarily by raising public awareness of Silwan’s story. To reminisce fondly, however, would be to lie to ourselves.

A demolished Palestinian home in the East Jerusalem neighborhood of Silwan, march 14, 2009. (Photo by Anne Paq/Activestills.org)

A...

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Settlers take over 7 E. Jerusalem homes in dead of night

‘Settlers say that they bought the house, but they haven’t shown us any documents,’ says one Palestinian woman whose home settlers took over Tuesday morning. ‘Now they’re sleeping in my bed; all of our clothes and furniture is still inside.’

By Orly Noy

Israeli settlers took over seven homes in the Silwan neighborhood of East Jerusalem Tuesday morning, primarily in Wadi Hilwe, the neighborhood’s main thoroughfare. According to residents, the settlers arrived at around 2 a.m., escorted by large numbers of riot police.

“I was still awake, here in the store,” said neighborhood resident Ahmed Qareen, the owner of a small market in Wadi Hilwe. “I saw a large group of settlers and police but I didn’t think that they were going to take more homes. I assumed that it was somehow related to your (Jewish) holidays now, that they were walking around here at such an hour.”

The Hayat family home in Silwan, September 30, 2014. (Photo by Oren Ziv/Activestills.org)

The Hayat family home in Silwan, September 30, 2014. (Photo by Oren Ziv/Activestills.org)

One of the houses that the settlers took over in the dead of night was the Hayat family home. Like many other houses in the neighborhood, the building is split into a number of apartment units, most of which are occupied by family members. Two of them are now occupied by settlers.

In the building’s internal stairwell that connects the apartments, sits Bushra Hayat, whose eyes are dashing back and forth tracking the police officers walking into the apartment that until yesterday was hers. “We have two apartments here, one that my father rents out and we live in the other one. The two apartments were empty yesterday. My father wasn’t here and I slept at my uncle’s house, here, downstairs. They knew ahead of time when the houses would be empty and that’s why they came [now].”

“They know what we are doing at all times,” Ahmed Qareen says with a smile. “Look around: the whole neighborhood is full of their security cameras, some of them are pointed directly into our houses. They know better than us what’s happening here.”

Israeli riot police at the entrance to the Hayat family home, September 30, 2014. (Photo by Oren Ziv/Activestills.org)

Israeli riot police at the entrance...

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In my name, in your name, in all of our names

We talk endlessly about equality and feminism while putting up with a bunch of greedy pyromaniacs controlling the Middle East and running a war over our heads, a war in which we are but extras. And yet the role they assign us is instrumental: we are factories for their cannon fodder.

By Naamit Mor Haim (translated from Hebrew by Dr. Assaf Oron)

During this recent Gaza war and its various ceasefires, I found myself astonished at the catch-phrase popular among the Israeli left – on banners at demonstrations and plastered social-media profile pictures, bold white letters against a black background, in three languages: “Not in my name!”

OK, I thought, I never passed my high school matriculation exams. My academic career ended around the fourth grade. I can vaguely remember a single lesson in government I attended during my school years, and in that lesson I kept asking Rakefet, who sat next to me, what the hell they’re talking about. No wonder it has taken me decades to figure out what democracy is and how it relates to me. To understand that it’s not just the job of a smug bunch with suits, cigars and a mandate to run each and every single thing; that it is also my responsibility. But I wonder what excuse are all the nerds who did go to all those lessons and crammed for their matriculation exams claiming? Where is everyone with a college degree, or those who have worked in civil service? Haven’t you learned about the government by consent of the people? Everyone is a lamb led to the ballot?

I am most troubled by the situation among women, who have been collapsing emotionally for the past few months, to an extent not remembered since the jolly days of Lebanon. At first I thought it was the manner of fighting and its oversight, with needless casualties on a daily basis, disrupting the existence of at least half the nation on multiple levels, with neither a clear resolution nor a horizon for the future.

But during those two months of war I realized that the horror has risen among my female friends of all walks of life, at the fact that all this was being carried out without our involvement, that our way of thinking is absent from the decision-making circles, that our values and priorities are declared illegitimate whenever they contain a hint of...

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Israel's newest Supreme Court justice and rule of law in Israel

Menachem ‘Meni’ Mazuz’s recent appointment to the Supreme Court reveals, yet again, that the borders of the rule of law lie only with those who are considered part of the ‘Jewish nation,’ not all of Israel’s citizens.

By Salah Mohsen

The appointment of Menachem “Meni” Mazuz to the Israeli Supreme Court did not raise any debate within the Israeli public. If this was a truly democratic society, which emphasizes the importance of respecting the opinions and status of its national minority, this appointment would never have been made at all.

There are many reasons why Meni Mazuz should not have been accepted into the Supreme Court. The most important of these is that Mazuz, in his capacity as attorney general, was the person who decided in January 2008 to close the investigation files into the killing of 13 young Palestinian citizens of Israel by the police during the October 2000 events. Mazuz made this decision despite the strong and clear recommendations of the State Commission of Inquiry, headed by former justice Theodor Or, which stated that some of the cases held enough evidence to indict the officers responsible, while other cases warranted further investigation.

Menachem "Meni" Mazuz, Israeli Supreme Court justice. (Photo: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem)

Menachem “Meni” Mazuz, Israeli Supreme Court justice. (Photo: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem)

The timing of the appointment of Mazuz to the Supreme Court – just two weeks before Palestinian citizens mark the 14th anniversary of the October 2000 killings – is indicative of the contempt towards Israel’s Palestinian minority, and adds to their growing feelings of frustration and anger. A week after Mazuz’s decision in 2008 to close the investigation files into the October 2000 killings, Palestinian citizens organized the largest demonstrations since “Land Day” in 1976.

Mazuz is not the only person responsible for the failure of the October 2000 investigations to then be promoted to higher positions in Israeli institutions. For example, another current Supreme Court Justice, Elyakim Rubinstein, served as attorney general at the time of the killings and did not fulfill his duty to advance investigations into the events. Other individuals responsible include Shai Nitzan, the deputy attorney general who headed the sub-committee that recommended the closure of the files, who was promoted to state prosecutor; and Benzi Sau, the police commander of...

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Why it may be time to rethink Abbas

There is great desire and momentum for change in Israel and Palestine, yet a dire lack of leadership to harness it. If given the international support he needs, could Mahmoud Abbas be the one to guide that change?

By Abraham Gutman

Last week, on my way to listen to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas speak at Cooper Union, I was talking to my sister on the phone. I told her that I wasn’t sure how I was supposed to feel going into the speech. As an Israeli, I tend to automatically get defensive when it comes to issues of Israel and Palestine. But as a strong proponent of the two-state-solution, and one who believes that peace is possible, I was excited to hear what Abbas had to say. One of the first sentences of his address, which also became one of the main themes of his speech, was “I came here to ask you to rethink Palestine.” I am writing this now to ask you to rethink Abbas.

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas addresses students at the Great Hall of The Cooper Union, New York City, September 22, 2014. (photo: Abraham Gutman)

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas addresses students at the Great Hall of The Cooper Union, New York City, September 22, 2014. (photo: Abraham Gutman)

Unlike Netanyahu, Abbas doesn’t have a perfect American accent when he speaks English, nor the charm and charisma of Barak Obama, but when was the last time that either of them received a standing ovation from a room full of both “pro-Israel” and “pro-Palestine” students? “Prime Minister Netanyahu: End the occupation, make peace!” Abbas repeated. I was sold.

Don’t get me wrong, it’s not that I think Netanyahu was just waiting for Abbas to demand an end to the occupation, and now that’s it, problem solved. But as an Israeli it is so rare to feel part of the solution. Most of the time I find myself defending the problem with statements I don’t really believe, just because I feel trapped and on the defensive.

Abbas shared with the audience his prayer for peace: “Will you join this old man in his prayer? Will you help me to build a peaceful world? I am sure your answer is yes, we will.” Israel lacks leadership, and Israel’s government lacks moral fiber. What if...

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The illusion of religious freedom in Jerusalem

Official Israel loves to boast of the complete freedom of worship it grants to members of all religions. In reality, however, it’s just another deception brought to you by your local ‘hasbara’ dealer.

By Orly Noy

Israeli Border Police officers stand at the entrance to Jerusalem's Old City, as they prevent Muslim Palestinian worshippers from attending Friday prayers in Al Aqsa mosque, September 26, 2014. (Photo by Faiz Abu Rmeleh/Activestills.org)

Israeli Border Police officers stand at the entrance to Jerusalem’s Old City, as they prevent Muslim Palestinian worshippers from attending Friday prayers in Al Aqsa mosque, September 26, 2014. (Photo by Faiz Abu Rmeleh/Activestills.org)

One of the main tools in the Israeli hasbara toolbox is the ‘religious freedom’ discourse. As subscribers of the “villa in the jungle” worldview, Israel advocates never miss an opportunity to emphasize the religious freedoms that Israel supposedly gives to believers of all faiths, unlike its Arab neighbors. Prime Minister Netanyahu, especially, loves to make this claim — and he repeats it ad nauseam. For instance, in a special message at the dedication ceremony for the Hurva (“Ruin”) Synagogue in the Old City of Jerusalem a few years ago, he said:

The papal visit to Israel this year was yet another chance for Netanyahu to reiterate:

Of course, that tolerant paradise is not quite the reality we live in. The daily reality that the occupation brings to the Old City of Jerusalem is not that of free men of different religions who have unhindered access to their holy places; it is a reality of structured conflict between occupiers and the occupied. First off, there are the more than 2 million West Bank Palestinians living under Israeli military rule who need special permits to even enter Jerusalem, permits that we know are handed out sparingly at best.

However, even for Palestinian residents of Jerusalem itself, access to the Aqsa compound is not guaranteed: it is regularly restricted according to the whims of Israeli authorities. During the recent Rosh Hashana holiday, for example, Israeli police prevented Muslim men under the age of 50 from entering the compound; while flocks of Jewish worshipers flooded toward the Western Wall, Muslim worshipers stood facing down a wall of police separating them from the mosque.

Israeli Border Police officers...</img></div><a href=Read More
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The perennial dilemma of liberal Zionism

For over a century, liberal Zionists have attempted to reconcile universal humanism with Zionist nationalism. A review of two prominent thinkers who failed.

By Ran Greenstein

The prospect of impending doom facing Liberal Zionism has been raised time and again in recent months, from the inane apologetics of Ari Shavit to the more sophisticated discussions of Jonathan Freedland in the NY Review of Books and Roger Cohen in the New York Times, culminating with the highly critical approach of Antony Lerman, also in the Times.

While the war in Gaza played a role in this wave of lamentation, it is in no way a new phenomenon. In fact, it has been a feature of discussions in the Zionist movement from its inception, forcing Liberal adherents to choose, at times of crisis, between their universal values and ethnic political loyalties. Historically, dropping the Liberal component has been the most common response to such dilemma, with only a few dissidents opting rather to abandon Zionism.

The core arguments used in such debates have changed little over the years. It would be instructive here to look at one movement, the epitome of Liberal Zionism in its time. Brit Shalom, which operated between 1925 and 1933 and was known for its advocacy of bi-nationalism, experienced tensions between its broad Liberal principles and the narrow demands of the Zionist project. These were captured in particular in the work of its founder, Arthur Ruppin, known as “the father of Jewish settlement.” He was torn between his Labor Zionist allies, who regarded Brit Shalom as “delusional,” and his radical colleagues who called for a representative government in Palestine, in line with universal democratic values but against the wishes of the Zionist leadership.

Arthur Ruppin

Arthur Ruppin

Ruppin’s concerns, expressed in his diaries from the late 1920s/early 1930s, stemmed from the “very serious contradictions of interest between the Jews and the Arabs.” It was impossible to reconcile “free immigration and free economic and cultural development” for Jews – the essential conditions for Zionism – with the interests of Arab residents of Palestine: “any place where we buy land and settle people on it, of necessity requires that the current cultivators be removed from it, be they owners or tenants.” Further, although the principle of Hebrew Labor was “in accordance with our...

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