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IAEA: Iran is keeping up its end of the nuclear deal

Yet the deal’s opponents continue to focus on how it could, possibly, one day, under certain circumstances, go wrong.

By Derek Davison

The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) is reporting that Iran has so far complied with its obligations under the terms of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which went into effect in January and limits Iran’s ability to produce nuclear weapons. The IAEA report, which is confidential but was apparently shown to the Reuters news agency, “did not point to any violations in Tehran’s observance of the deal”:

The IAEA report appears to contradict last week’s claims by the Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS), led by former IAEA inspector David Albright that Iran had been granted several “exemptions” to its JCPOA obligations. Those exemptions allegedly allowed Iran to meet its obligations by the date of the deal’s implementation. Per Reuters:

Earlier this month, a U.S. think-tank said Iran had been secretly allowed to overstep certain thresholds in order to get the deal through on time, but a diplomat said no limits had been exceeded apart from one incident which the agency reported in February.

The Institute for Science and International Security think-tank, headed by a former IAEA inspector, said one of the secret concessions exempted unknown quantities of low-enriched uranium contained in liquid, solid and sludge wastes.

It also said Iran had been allowed to keep operating 19 radiation containment chambers more than set out in the deal. These so-called “hot cells” are used for handling radioactive material but can be “misused for secret, mostly small-scale plutonium separation efforts,” it said.

The diplomat in Vienna said any hot-cell activity that could be used to breach limits would be reported by the IAEA, which it had not done.

ISIS, which often—but dubiously—claims to be “objective” with respect to the JCPOA, did not appear to have commented on the new IAEA report at the time this piece was being written. It’s not clear how, or even if, the anti-JCPOA community will react to the IAEA’s apparently positive assessment of Iran’s behavior under the treaty.


The AP’s Vienna bureau chief, George Jahn, has weighed in with his own report on the IAEA’s findings. In Jahn’s interpretation, though the IAEA found Iran to be in compliance with the JCPOA, Tehran may nevertheless be perpetrating nefarious deeds even as we speak:

To reiterate, the IAEA...

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How police killed a Palestinian man, tried to blame his cousin

A Jerusalem court rejects police attempt to place the blame for their own bullets elsewhere, but it’s not the first time they’ve tried — or succeeded at doing so.

By John Brown*

On the night between Sunday and Monday of last week, Israeli Border Police officers shot and killed Mustafa Nimer, a resident of Ramat Gan, in Jerusalem’s Shuafat refugee camp. While the police officers initially claimed that the driver, Ali Nimr — Mustafa’s cousin — had tried to attack them, a video of the shooting that surfaced on Tuesday revealed that the officers continued to fire even after the vehicle came to a complete stop and posed no threat. The police admit that Nimr did not attempt to carry out a car-ramming attack, raising questions over why they opened fire in the first place.

Another video that came to light on Wednesday raises suspicions that not only did the gunfire take place after the officers took control of the vehicle, but that one of the officers shot one of the passengers from close range.

The deceased’s fiancee, who was driving behind him in a separate car as they headed out to buy pizza, says that some of the bullets hit other vehicles, and that the shooting ceased only after she yelled at them that she was Jewish. The officers removed her from the scene; according to her one of the border cops even told said, “get her out of here, she cares about that Arab dog.”

On Wednesday the police claimed in a press release that Ali, not the officers, was responsible for his cousin’s death, since he drove recklessly and is suspected of having been under the influence of alcohol. It is clear that this is a baseless claim: the driver did not have have the ability to foresee that driving recklessly would end in gunfire, and he certainly did not foresee Border Police officers firing at his car after he had stopped. On Thursday the Jerusalem Magistrate’s Court rejected the police’s allegation that his driving somehow made him responsible for Nimr’s death.

So why is the driver being blamed?

Plea bargains and lies

A possible answer can be found in the case of Hassan a-Tabr, who was killed by an Israeli police officer on July 29, 2012. On that same night 14 Palestinian laborers were traveling in a vehicle driven by Hamada Jaber, a resident of Jerusalem, as they tried to enter Israel without work permits. According to...

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WATCH: Dutch MP refuses to shake Netanyahu's hand

‘Oh, okay,’ the Israeli prime minister responds to snub by breakaway former Labour MP.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu went to the Netherlands on Tuesday as part of his efforts to, in his words, “instill gradually” in Europe the idea that Israel is “preventing the spread of radical Islamic terrorism.”

According to press releases from the Prime Minister’s Office he has been meeting with Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte, King Willem-Alexander, and an array of parliamentarians in the Hague.

During one introduction line with Dutch parliamentarians on Wednesday, the Israeli prime minister was caught on video being snubbed by MP Tunahan Kuzu, a former Labour Party member who now leads a party of two in the parliament’s lower house.

Kuzu, who was wearing a Palestinian flag pin on his lapel, is shown mouthing something to Netanyahu while keeping his arms behind his back, effectively snubbing the Israeli prime minister’s outstretched hand. Netanyahu, caught off guard for a moment, quickly responded, “Oh, okay.”

The exchange was captured on video by Ernst Lissauer of and posted to Twitter:

Ahead of his visit, Netanyahu opined that Europe is “undergoing changes,” and that it faces the challenge of “radical Islamic terrorism.” Israel, he added, “contributes greatly to preventing the spread of radical Islamic terrorism,” the understanding of which he is “working to instill gradually in all European countries.”

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A once-in-a-decade show trial

The military trial of Elor Azaria is part of a purification ritual, one that takes place every 10 years, as if everything in between is just fine.

By Hagai El-Ad

Israeli Defense Minister Avigdor Liberman was quoted last month as saying that, “we can’t reach a situation in which a soldier has to ask for a lawyer before he heads out on a mission.” His words resonated, as usual, portraying the Israeli political leadership as the defenders of soldiers against those who wish to do them harm — you know, all those jurists with no combat experience who persecute soldiers for no reason. In that sense Liberman the “radical” is no different than Tzipi Livni the “moderate,” who promised to provide soldiers with a “legal Iron Dome.” Actually, that’s the position of pretty much the entire political spectrum in Israel.

Such lies might be convenient, but they are not reality. Israeli soldiers are not deployed throughout the West Bank because it is their manifest destiny but rather as the result of an Israeli decision: over and over again, the Israeli public chooses a leadership — Liberman, Yair Lapid, Netanyahu and the rest — who give the army orders to maintain military rule over the Palestinians in the territories. The Israeli soldiers who are deployed there — rarely in combat roles, sometimes in policing roles, but mostly in order to control a civilian population with no rights — are implementing Israeli policy, and have been doing so for decades.

One needn’t be a lawyer or legal expert to understand the legal repercussions of Sgt. Azaria’s actions in Hebron that morning, where he was videotaped on March 24 shooting in the head, from close range, a Palestinian attacker lying injured on the road. But after nearly 50 years in which Israeli soldiers have been sent to rule over Palestinians, wouldn’t it be more fitting, more just, if the prosecutor’s gaze landed a little higher than the rank of sergeant to, say, those actually setting these policies? Who should really be looking for a lawyer: the defense minister or the sergeant?

The reality in which soldiers kill Palestinians with impunity is part of the occupation’s routine. Sgt. Azaria is not responsible for creating that reality, nor is the soldier who just last week killed Iyad Hamed from Silwad, nor are those who in the span of a week this July killed 10-year-old...

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What is Israel's place in the Middle East?

It’s time for Israel to recognize that it can coexist with its neighbors without fear or feelings of superiority. Academia can lead the way.

By Assaf David

The perception of Israel as a foreign entity in the Middle East, hence a fortress under threat, is shared by all major purveyors of knowledge and discourse in the political and public Israeli-Jewish sphere. Alas, the academia, as well as the so-called “peace camp,” do not offer an alternative perception, which would view Israel for what it really is: a country becoming well-integrated into the Middle East, and one that can and should live in the region without fear or feelings of superiority.

The following talk was presented, in Arabic, at a conference titled “Winds of Change in the Middle East” at Ben Gurion University on January 26, 2015.


Good afternoon,

Instead of offering you a well-organized thesis on the Israeli public discourse with respect to the Arab Spring, I would like to address a few aspects of the topic. These aspects have to do with the way in which Jewish citizens of Israel tend to view the Middle East, and the ways in which the various purveyors of knowledge and discourse vis-a-vis the region — be they members of the establishment, of academia, or of what is known as the “peace camp” in the political sphere and outside of it — replicate this point of view.

Let us start at the beginning: the claim that Israel is a foreign entity in the Middle East fails the test of reality. Israel, in fact, is closely tied — for better or worse — to the region in which it exists, much more so than to the liberal-democratic West, and much more so than some Jews or Arabs are willing to admit. Israel and its neighbors are new nation-states, products of the withdrawal of colonial powers from the region in the middle of the last century. All countries of the Middle East face processes that are characteristic of post-colonial states, the foremost being the threat toward their national identity from super-identities (such as religion and pan-nationalism) or sub-identities (community, origin, or ethnicity), and the prioritization of military-security considerations over civilian ones in decision-making.

Second, Israel is a state in which a certain nationality and religion control the government and the resources, similar to other countries in the region (with the exception of Lebanon). Third, in all countries of the region, including Israel, religion and the state compete for primacy as well as for shaping...

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Who are the ISIS supporters in Israel's prisons?

The 46 ISIS-associated prisoners represent only 0.3 percent of the prison population and just one-tenth of one percent of all prisoners. Some went off to fight in Syria, while others expressed support for the group on social media.

By Noam Rotem

As of the end of June, Israel was imprisoning 46 alleged ISIS supporters, according to data provided by the Israel Prison Service (IPS).

Out of over 17,000 people being held in Israeli prisons at the end of June, 37 percent of those prisoners, 6,369 people, are classified as “security prisoners,” and the rest as criminal prisoners. The “security” classification has no basis in the Israeli criminal code; it is an arbitrary classification used by the IPS to separate people convicted of political or ideological and purely criminal offenses. Almost all “security prisoners” are Palestinian.

According to the IPS data, almost 90 percent of Palestinian security prisoners belong to an organization of some sort. Nearly half are said to be associated with Fatah, a quarter with Hamas, 8 percent with Palestinian Islamic Jihad, 5 percent with the PFLP, and various other Palestinian organizations like the DFLP (114 prisoners), Al-Qaida (one prisoner), and the Front for the Liberation of the Golan (one prisoner).

The 46 ISIS-associated prisoners represent only 0.3 percent of the prison population classified as “security prisoners” and just one-tenth of one percent of all prisoners.

There are also various reasons given for the imprisonment of those said to be associated with ISIS: some of them are alleged to have taken part in active combat in Syria, others have never left Israel. A few of them never got past the confines of Facebook before being classified as ISIS supporters. At least one of them is being held in administrative detention without any official charges or accusations against him, without any possibility of defending himself.

Is ISIS already here?

Israel declared ISIS, or “Islamic State,” an illegal association, in September 2014. A little more than a year later, Israel declared it to be a terrorist organization.

Since then, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu made his famous “ISIS is coming” election video, and President Reuven Rivlin warned that ISIS is already here and enjoys popular support among the country’s Arab population. The former Shin Bet chief dedicated his intelligence agency to rooting out those ISIS members who it believes are trying to win over residents of Israel.

Among the...

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Palestinian who filmed Hebron shooting faces threats to his life

Ever since he filmed an Israeli soldier executing a Palestinian man in Hebron, Emad Abu Shamsiya has been subject to violent threats. Things became so bad his family had to leave their home. So why do the police refuse to help?

By John Brown*

Ever since a video showing Israeli soldier Elor Azaria executing an immobilized Palestinian attacker in Hebron was published, Emad Abu Shamsiya, the man who captured the incident on video, has been subject to threats against his life by right-wing activists and settlers. The latter even threw stones at his home, according to Israeli human rights group B’Tselem, where Abu Shamsiya works.

Last week B’Tselem filed a complaint with Israel Police, claiming that officers prevented Abu Shamsiya from submitting his own complaint about the threats he received on the internet.

Abu Shamsiya describes how last Sunday he arrived at the police station in Hebron to file a complaint about the threats, which included comments such as “I will kill you, you disabled asshole,” “your time will come,” and threatening videos.

After a lengthy wait he was told that the station was too busy and that he should return the following day.

The next day, after another long wait, he was told that he could not file a complaint, since the only officer who could deal with issue was not present.

Abu Shamsiya returned for a third day, waiting a number of hours to be helped. When he approached one of the investigators, he was told to go home and threatened with arrest should he refuse to do so.

In her letter to the police, Abu Shamsiya’s attorney, Gaby Lasky, wrote the following:

Due to the threats, the Abu Shamsiya family was forced to leave its home in Hebron for a number of days. The police’s failure to deal with the threats and incitement on the internet (it is reasonable to assume that had Palestinians written similar things they would have been arrested, even if no one filed a complaint) — as well as its refusal to accept the complaint, amount to a price tag against those who try to expose criminal acts.

West Bank police have yet to respond to the above claims.

*John Brown is the pseudonym of an Israeli academic and a blogger. This article was first published in Hebrew on Local Call where he is a blogger. Read it here.

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City Hall gets ever more creative in ignoring E. Jerusalem school shortage

As the Jerusalem municipality is gradually forced to acknowledge a catastrophic shortage of classrooms in the city’s Palestinian districts, it also finds brave new ways to avoid tackling it.

By Aviv Tatarsky

Let’s start with the bottom line: there is a shortage of 2,000 classrooms in East Jerusalem schools. In effect, that means Israel prevents more than 60,000 schoolchildren from their right to free education. About two-thirds of them pay extortionate tuition to sub-standard institutions that are not properly supervised by the authorities. The remaining third have dropped out.

All this, sadly, is not new. Ir Amim publishes annual reports detailing the situation that keeps getting worse despite public campaigns and legal actions. However, this year has ushered a few novelties that are noteworthy.

The Jerusalem Municipality has claimed it invested many resources in the construction of schools in the city’s Palestinian districts. However, the number of students having to resort to private education has constantly risen. In fact, this year the number of East Jerusalem students in private schools surpassed, for the first time, the number of students in public schools; both groups stand at just over 43,000 children each.

In other words, even if the figures the municipality flaunts are truthful, its policy has utterly failed. But instead of recognizing failure, the city and the mayor chose to deny reality. Mayor Nir Barkat said three years ago that 400 classrooms had been built in the city’s east, rising to 500 two years ago, and up to 800, “more than six times the number built under the previous mayor,” last year.

There’s only one problem: These figures are completely false. Since 2009, under Barkat’s leadership, a mere 261 classrooms have been built – an average of 37 a year. Under Barkat’s predecessor, Uri Lupolianski, the average was 32 a year. But even irrespective of the current shortage, the natural growth of the population requires 70 new classrooms every year.

A PR success

For several years, Barkat’s PR machine has managed to paint him as the trailblazer of a new policy with regard to the East Jerusalem education crisis. However, as the crisis only deepens, Barkat now faces backlash from unexpected sources.

Civil society organizations in the city have gradually expanded the scope of their treatment of East Jerusalem, from seeing it strictly as a political issue to a civilian and municipal issue as well. It’s not that it comes without a...

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In the Jewish state, most prisoners are Arabs

Figures obtained by Local Call reveal that the number of Arab prisoners is more than twice the number of Jewish ones, even though they make up only 20 percent of the general population.

By Noam Rotem

A little over a quarter of Israel’s inmate population are Jewish, +972’s Hebrew-language sister site Local Call has learned.

In response to a freedom of information request that I submitted in conjunction with Physicians for Human Rights, the Israel Prisons Service (IPS) released the following figures: out of a total of 20,568 inmates, 5,659 are Jewish; more than twice that number, 12,397, are Arab; and 2,512 are classified as “other” – including asylum seekers held in detention camps, as well as a handful of non-Israelis who are neither Jewish nor Arab.

The proportion of Arab inmates among Israeli citizens (including residents of the West Bank and Gaza) stands at 43 percent – more than double their proportion in the general population

Among juvenile delinquents the gaps are even more staggering: out of a total of 281 minors held by IPS, only 100 are Jewish, 160 are Arabs, and “others” comprise 21 inmates. If we take into account the number of Palestinian minors in Israeli custody (511, according to B’Tselem), the proportion of Jewish inmates drops to a mere 13 percent.

According to the IPS, an overwhelming majority of prisoners from the West Bank and Gaza (81 percent) are classified as “security prisoners,” as opposed to the “criminal prisoners.” These categories appear only on IPS records, however, because there is no such distinction in the Israeli penal code. There is no list of offenses that qualify a suspect as a “security” case.

Being classified a security prisoner means being deprived of many of the perks other prisoners are entitled to, such as access to higher education, phone calls, regular visitation, and more. Out of 6,283 security prisoners currently held in Israeli prisons, only 31 are Jewish (about 0.5 percent).

Racial disparities

Within the Jewish prisoner population there is also a distinct ethnic bias. In June, the percentage of teenagers of Ethiopian extraction stood at 18.5 percent – down from previous years, but still disproportionately high. Thus, 18.5 percent of 281 minors gives us 51 young Ethiopian-Israeli inmates – 51 percent of the teenaged Jewish inmates. Given that Ethiopian-Israelis make up just two percent of the general population, this is no less than remarkable.

In June, Local Call and +972 revealed that more than...

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The Israeli-Palestinian conflict doesn't have to be a zero-sum game

A new poll shows that most Israelis and Palestinians support the idea of two states, but reject the practicalities of it. But there is a way out of this mess.

By Michal Haramati

A recently published opinion poll sought to answer our region’s million-dollar question: is the two-state solution still relevant?

Unlike many others, the poll was carried out simultaneously by the Israel Democracy Institute and the Palestinian Center for Policy and Survey Research and included largely similar questions for both sides. The results are eye-opening.

In keeping with previous polls, while the two-state solution is still preferred by most (51 percent of Palestinians and 58 percent of Israelis), a majority of both Israelis and Palestinians think the other side seeks to annihilate and dispossess them (53 percent in both). A majority on both sides fears the violence of the other (76 percent of Palestinians, 70 percent of Israelis) and, unsurprisingly, an overwhelming majority on both sides believes the violence will not come to an end in the foreseeable future.

However, when you break the poll down to the different questions, the picture becomes much bleaker. By and large, every statement that is endorsed by Israelis is, at the same time, rejected by the Palestinians, and vice-versa. The only thing Israelis and Palestinians see eye to eye on is their opposition to dividing Jerusalem.

This is apparently not at all interesting, if you take into account another thing Israelis and Palestinians see eye to eye on: that the conflict is a zero-sum game. In other words, 70 percent of Palestinians and 51 percent of Israelis agree that what’s good for the Israelis is bad for the Palestinians, and what’s good for the Palestinians is bad for the Israelis.

The two-state solution now seems a lot less attractive, and indeed, when asked again at the end of the questionnaire, only 45 percent of Israelis and 40 percent of Palestinians supported the two-state solution. Though the rate of support is far from negligible, most believe that a majority, on their own side and on the other side, is against.

The one-state solution is not a cause for celebration either, except among Palestinians citizens of Israel, who probably feel it would rid them of the tasking charges of dual loyalty (34 percent of Palestinians and 25 percent of Israelis, among them 52 percent of Palestinian citizens of Israel, support...

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Gag order extended as police refuse to release CCTV footage of Qalandiya killing

A Palestinian mother of two and her 16-year-old brother were shot and killed by Israeli security guards at Qalandiya checkpoint in April, even though eyewitnesses say they posed no risk. The police refuse to release the CCTV footage – maybe they know something we don’t?

By John Brown*

More than four months after a shooting at Qalandiya checkpoint that left dead a Palestinian woman and her 16-year-old brother, the Jerusalem Magistrates’ Court on Monday upheld Israel Police’s request to extend a gag order on the details of the affair and identity of the suspects by another month.

The police said that Maram Salah Hassan Abu Ismail, a 23-year-old mother of two from East Jerusalem, and Ibrahim Salah Taha, were shot after trying to carry out a stabbing attack, but eyewitnesses say told B’Tselem that they were shot without posing any risk to anyone.

The mystery would have been solved rather easily by releasing CCTV footage from the scene, but police have refused to do so.

Right after the shooting on April 27, police obtained a gag order that was endorsed by a Jerusalem Magistrates’ Court judge who said that the order was “necessary to carry out an unbiased investigation and safeguard public security.” This week it was extended until September 27.

How does it safeguard public security? Why does the publication of Elor Azaria’s manslaughter charges not harm public security? And the publication of details of other similar cases?

According to the police, Maram and Ibrahim veered off the pedestrian lane into a vehicle area. A police spokesperson later said that “policemen and border policemen stationed at the checkpoint noticed a man and a woman walking into the vehicle-only area, while the woman’s hand was inside her handbag and the man was holding an unidentified object behind his back.” Their suspicion was raised.

“The policemen called on them several times to stop moving. The terrorists kept moving towards the policemen, who continued to call on them to stop and told the woman to drop her bag. The female terrorist approached the policemen, and started moving backwards together with the male terrorist, when suddenly they turned around, the female terrorist took out a knife from her handbag and hurled it in the direction of the policeman standing opposite her. He was unharmed. The policemen and security guards acted quickly and shot at the terrorists and neutralized them.”

It has since emerged that the shots were fired by civilian security...

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Palestinian motorcycle diaries: Why not travel to Ein Gedi?

Upon our visit to the Qumran Caves we appeared to be strange and unusual creatures, as Palestinians do not usually come here. The Israeli family that we met did not even understand why we are not allowed to visit the Dead Sea.

By Bassam Almohor

On the banks of the Dead Sea is an ancient village belonging to a tribe that abandoned their lives and the commotion above, descending to the lowest place on earth, as if they had descended below the earth to the home of Hades, god of the underworld. They retired to a life of simplicity, humility, and purity, carving their writings on scrolls that they delicately rolled and hid in the belly of the earth, until they were found 2,000 years later.

We arrived to Qumran in the middle of the day, after the temperatures had already risen to this year’s record high. The parking lot was completely quiet and there were no vehicles apart from one bus whose driver was fast asleep in its air conditioning. The three of us parked our motorcycles in a parking space allotted for one car in order not to take up too much space. We walked in the shade past the security guard who sat by the shaded entrance, struggling not to fall asleep. He sat in his chair with his legs outstretched and his head tilted back. Big sunglasses hid half his face. I said hello to him but he did not answer.

The three of us sat by the ticket booth to eat fruits and talked a bit until the guard cut us off when he awoke from his slumber, noticing that our bikes had three foreign license plates, as if they were not from this country, as if they came from the moon.

He acted as if the devil had possessed him, dashing toward the motorcycles to check them out, speaking into his radio: “Three Palestinian license plates, numbers 69… 33, 48… 65, and 64… 30.” He turned to Omar and said: “Come with me, I want to check your motorcycle. Open your bag, take your bike onto the sidewalk here.”

He returned to us, still talking on his radio and repeated the numbers on our license plates. He asked us to move the motorcycles onto the sidewalk, “It’s a parking lot for buses not motorcycles. Park your motorcycles on the sidewalks,” he ordered in his Russian Hebrew.

The lady at the ticket counter,...

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The stark difference between Israeli and Arab schools on the same side of the separation barrier

Just five minutes from Kfar Saba, under full Israeli control, children from the village Arab a-Ramadin will attend a school made of clay, without electricity, and most certainly without computers. All my years as a teacher and administrator couldn’t have prepared me for this place.

By Eitan Kalinski

As I stood in front of a structure called ‘School for the Children of the Village of Arab a-Ramadin,’ located five minutes from Kfar Saba, I felt myself shamefully shed over 40 years of teaching. A stone’s throw from Kfar Saba’s cultural centers and educational palaces to the west, and the settlement of Alfei Menashe to the east, stands a cramped condemnable clay structure with a gaping roof. We’ll call it a school.

In Kfar Saba, which as I mentioned is five minutes away from this school, the staff of teachers at every school is diligently undergoing final preparations to receive the students who will arrive to smart classrooms, laboratories for chemistry and physics, computer and robotics rooms, a gymnasium, spacious well-lit classes, air conditioning that will give you chills during heat waves, heating that will warm students when it’s cold, an expansive yard for recess, bathrooms and water fountains in the yard, and lockers and cold water in the corridors.I have been a teacher for over 40 years. I assumed managerial positions for several years and led a teacher’s seminar in Safed. All my organs associated with the education system suffered from shock on Saturday, when I left a tour with dozens of young members of Combatants for Peace and stood before this structure. I felt the intensity of a painful gap between what I experienced throughout all my years in the school system, and the trampling of respect for student and the teacher, which will take place on September 1 at the ‘gate’ of the Arab a-Ramadin school.

On the other hand, for the children of Arab a-Ramadin — located in Area C, under Israel full Israeli jurisdiction — a dedicated staff of teachers imbued with a mission to do the impossible, wait within the clay walls of the classroom. Under a gaping frayed ramshackle roof, three students will sit around one desk because of the shortage, and over 40 students will cram into one classroom. Rays of sunlight will shine through one tiny window to light...

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