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+972 is seeking an editor to join our team

+972 Magazine is a blog-based web magazine that is jointly owned by a group of journalists, bloggers and photographers whose goal is to provide fresh, original, on-the-ground reporting and analysis of events in Israel and Palestine.

As we expand the scope of our reporting and analysis, we are looking to add a new member to our growing editorial team.

Responsibilities:

  • Editing op-eds, reports and analysis for publication on the website.
  • Working directly with +972 bloggers and potential guest contributors.
  • News writing and basic reporting when necessary.
  • Managing +972’s social media presence.
  • Translating articles into English for publication.

Requirements

  • Proven experience writing, editing, or producing high-quality journalism.
  • Intimate familiarity with the political landscape of the Middle East. Must be a news/politics junkie.
  • Willingness to work flexible hours and weekends.
  • Ability to work under stress, especially in breaking news situations.
  • Legal residence in Israel, East Jerusalem or the West Bank.

Language requirements

  • English — mother-tongue or academic level.
  • Arabic — Fluent for purposes of reporting, translating, news monitoring, and coordination of guest writers.
  • Hebrew is an advantage but not a requirement.

Terms of position: Full time.

Please send C.V., references, and a cover letter explaining why you are interested in the position to 972job@gmail.com. Make sure to put “Editing position” in the subject line.

Deadline: Applications will be accepted until September 10, 2016.

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Elor Azaria is exposing the occupation, but he's no silence breaker

In testimony at his manslaughter trial for summarily executing a disarmed Palestinian attacker, Elor Azaria is openly describing the violence, de-humanization, hatred, and settler domination that defines the occupation. But make no mistake, he’s not breaking his silence.

By Yuli Novak

Nothing better symbolizes a loss of direction and of hope than focusing on trivial details, instead of on the larger picture. Elor Azaria, the Israeli soldier who summarily executed a disarmed Palestinian attacker in Hebron earlier this year, is the trivial detail. Because this is not about him — this is about the occupation.

Much can be said about Elor Azaria’s testimony during his ongoing military court trial for manslaughter. This testimony — the product of a legal defense strategy, not of a moral stance – coldly and clearly describes the reality and the devastation of the occupation, within which the Hebron shooting took place.

In his testimony, Azaria describes the violence, the de-humanization, the hatred, the intimidation, the domination, and the settler mastery which form the reality of the West Bank occupation. But despite the fact that through his testimony he has joined those who expose the truth about the occupation’s reality. Elor Azaria himself is not a silence breaker — far from it.

Yet Azaria has found himself in a Kafkaesque reality where the system he served, and within which he flourished and excelled, now points an accusing finger at him, and tries him in court, despite the fact that he acted according to the norms instilled in him. And now, in order to save himself, he is exposing that system’s hypocrisy, and while doing so, inadvertently exposing us, once more, to the things taking place in the occupied territories.

Azaria’s story begins with one ugly, vicious moment of the occupation, which happened to be caught on video. If this moment had not been filmed, it would most likely have been covered up. Just like another silent tree falling in the woods — another silent bullet fired, another death in the desolate streets of Hebron. Not a news story.

But a camera was on, and the world got to see, so the system was quick to respond with its usual, knee-jerk reaction: ‘It’s not us, it’s him. The guilt is with him. And him alone. It’s an aberrant incident. This is not normative behavior, in the world’s most moral military. We do not kill Palestinians...

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No, Palestinians don't need to empathize with the Zionist narrative

In the Israeli-Palestinian domain, the current demand for empathy above all else is obscuring what should be a more urgent discourse — that of rights.

By Peter Eisenstadt and Mira Sucharov

If American Jewish historians Hasia Diner and Marjorie Feld’s Haaretz article last week disavowing Zionism was intended to provoke, it has succeeded. Diner called her earlier Zionism a “naïve delusion,” while Feld wrote of her painful rejection of Zionist “propaganda.” In response, Jonathan Sarna, another American Jewish historian, accused the authors of exchanging one “naïve delusion” for another. Rabbi and talmudist Ysoscher Katz called the authors “weak-kneed.” Los Angeles-based Rabbi David Wolpe dared the authors to experience the chilly reception his congregants would likely accord them. Journalist Jeffrey Goldberg tweeted that the piece prompted him to consider stopping reading Haaretz altogether.

While we do not share their emotional detachment from Israel, we think that Diner and Feld’s anguished essay is important in urging us to consider how fealty to Zionism may hinder creative thinking about Israel’s future. If one ideal of Zionism was to create a Jewish state, another was to “normalize” the condition of the Jewish people. Zionism has succeeded in the first task, and not the second. Israelis are challenged both by the ongoing state of enmity from many corners as well as by having become almost permanent occupiers of another people. Neither of these conditions approach normalcy.

Still, there was one particularly thoughtful and nuanced response to Diner and Feld. Writing in Haaretz, Noah Efron faults the authors for a lack of empathy towards Israel. For Efron, empathy matters because a “solution will arrive when both sides realize that the hopes, dreams and aspirations of the other side, like their own, have value, beauty and legitimacy.”

For scholars, empathy is an important tool; it’s the stock-in-trade of our own disciplines — history and politics. But just as we recognize empathy as a professional and public good, in the Israeli-Palestinian domain we fear that the current demand for empathy above all else is obscuring what should be a more urgent discourse — that of rights.

Over four million Palestinians under Israeli rule are denied citizenship, with order maintained through the brutal military occupation in the West Bank, and an inhumane blockade (run in tandem with Egypt and abetted by Hamas’s intransigence) around Gaza. An additional million-and-a-half Palestinian citizens of Israel suffer from the democratic deficits inherent in Israel’s ethnic democracy. And millions of additional Palestinians, living...

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There is no Green Line when it comes to home demolitions

With demolitions pending in four Palestinian villages, solidarity activists must recognize the overarching agenda that unifies the seemingly different struggles.

By Penina Eilberg-Schwartz

Four Palestinian villages reached out to Israeli and international activists last week, requesting urgent support. All four villages — Umm el-Kheir and Susya in Area C in the West Bank, and al-Araqib and Umm el-Hiran in the Negev — notified us that demolitions are more probable than usual in the near future.

While each village has its own history and circumstances it’s important to look at both the particularities and the broader narrative arc that emerges between them. Each village is the target of a consistent and strategic agenda of displacement. 

To some, the differences between the villages in the Negev and the villages in the South Hebron Hills are abundantly clear. The Bedouin in the Negev are Israeli citizens; the Bedouin in the South Hebron Hills are not. In the Negev, the Jewish National Fund (JNF)’s “beautification” project to forest and create Jewish-only communities, controls the future of the stories for al-Araqib and Umm el-Hiran. In the West Bank, Israel’s Civil Administration, in allegiance with the priorities of nearby Jewish settlers, determines the fate of Umm el-Kheir and Susya.

These differences are important, but when we look at a map, we see that the different “regions” we’re talking about are part of the same story: two different legal systems in Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories, each carrying out the same aims. In fact, the “different stories” of these villages aren’t really different at all.

On a crucial level, there’s just one story — what Neve Gordon referred to in this publication as the “Judaization of space.” This Israeli government policy comes at the expense of the people who live in those spaces, their homes destroyed in order to make room for the expansion of Jewish-only communities. This, ultimately, is what we’re fighting against in these four villages, and what we should also fight against elsewhere.

To recognize the single agenda behind all the particularities, Gordon argued that the Green Line should be erased in the way we conceptualize these struggles. But as he indicates, after speaking with Salim from Umm al-Hiran, the villagers of the Negev are not all ready to align themselves with Susya and...

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Shot in the head by the IDF? Your entry permit is now revoked

An IDF officer opened fire on a Palestinian taxi, killing a 15-year-old boy, and wounding five others. The driver, who was shot in the head, returned from the hospital to discover his work and entry permits had been revoked.

By John Brown*

On Tuesday, June 21 at 1:30 a.m., an officer from the IDF’s Kfir Brigade who was driving on Route 443 in the West Bank stood over a bridge adjacent the road and fired a number of bursts at a taxi that passed below. This took place after Palestinians had reportedly thrown stones in the area. The gunfire killed 15-year-old Mahmoud Badran, while four of his friends were wounded and the driver was shot in the head. They were on their way back from a night out at “Lin Land,” a water park in the village of Beit Sira.

The following morning Israeli news outlets reported that a “15-year-old terrorist” was killed, although very quickly it became clear that the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit had lied to the media, and that the officer had fired at innocent passengers. The army even went as far as to take Badran’s fingerprints in order to make sure this was true, according to Attorney Nailah Atia. The officer has yet to be arrested despite opening fire against regulations a number of times.

But the story doesn’t end here. The driver, Ehad Othman, miraculously survived the gunshot to the head, was evacuated to Ichilov Hospital in Tel Aviv and treated there. Atia told +972’s Hebrew sister-site, Local Call, last week that upon his return home, Othman had discovered that not only had his taxi been confiscated, but his work permit and entry permit into Israel had been revoked.

But if that weren’t enough, Israel also revoked Ehad’s brothers’ permits. No explanation was given to them. Their employers reached out to the authorities, saying Ihad, Ahmad, and Hamza were excellent workers — yet nothing helped. Thus, Ehad was prevented from returning to Ichilov for necessary medical procedures, which he was forced to pay for out of his own pocket, since Israel refuses to take responsibility for the incident.

Revocation of permits is a well-known practice used in cases when Palestinians are killed by IDF fire, although usually only during years-long investigations — not when the case of illegal use of fire is so clear cut.

Thus we turned to the Civil Administration to, at the...

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Emigration as a political act

The Israeli government has guaranteed the non-viability of a two-state solution and apartheid has already arrived. I will not sacrifice my children’s future for a hopeless struggle.

By Na’aman Hirschfeld

The immigration of young Israelis to Berlin is troubling “because it is precisely these young women and men who are needed in Israel,” explains veteran left-wing activist Uri Avnery in a recent Haaretz oped (Hebrew). “It is precisely those who are energetic, full of initiative and seekers of freedom, who are needed to save the state from the hands of Netanyahu and his associates.”

“The common excuse [for emigration] is despair,” Avnery asserts, going on to suggest that the collapse of Israeli democracy will be assured “if everyone who is able to resist this process gives up and moves to the coffee shops of Unter den Linden.” All of which leads Avnery to emphatically call on “the wonderful young people of Berlin” to return to Israel and “storm into politics, organize, change things, form new forces, [and] take control of the government.”

To this I reply: no thanks. I will not sacrifice my children’s future for a hopeless struggle. Desperation is indeed the reason why I left. I despaired of the ever-present catastrophe that is gradually unfolding before our eyes. I despaired of the brainwashing, propaganda, political spin and intentional deception. I despaired of bloodthirsty mobs intoxicated with fear and hate. I despaired of Israeliness, which has been emptied of all substance to the point that what remains is only the negation of others. I despaired of the government’s cynicism, of the establishment’s incompetence, and of the ever-spreading corruption. But, above all, I despaired of desperation.

Contrary to the view that desperation is simply a byproduct or a secondary effect of “Ha’Matzav” (lit. “The Situation” – as Israelis colloquially construe the reality of occupation and conflict as a pre-given ‘state of things’), desperation is in fact a primary political tool: it is a palpable force in Israeli society that defines an essential aspect of the Israeli condition. If Ha’Matzav – that thing which binds us Israelis into a “we” – was taken from us, who and what would we be? Israeliness is defunct, bankrupt both ideologically and morally. What remains as a common ground is the state of emergency, the existential struggle, and the collective experience of being cornered. Collective desperation is thus essential for social cohesion, and in the...

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Tearing down before building up

In order to create genuine housing solutions for Arab society in Israel, existing homes and developments must be retroactively licensed. Only then will it be possible to tackle illegal construction.

By Moran Aviv and Mohammad Khaliliyeh

Several months ago the government authorized a plan to narrow the huge economic gaps between Arab and Jewish citizens by equalizing part of the budget mechanisms in the state budget.

Before the funds could be transferred, however, the government decided to establish a mechanism to enforce planning and building laws in the country’s Arab communities, and held up the former plan until the latter was passed into law.

The idea is to transfer planning and enforcement responsibility to Arab local government authorities in Israel along with the power to levy fines and use force to stop illegal construction.

Sanctions against unlicensed construction in Arab towns have long been a sore point for Arab citizens who claim that planning failures of the government, and the lack of town master plans and appropriate infrastructure for development, are the root causes that lead to unlicensed construction in Arab towns.

The decision to begin enforcing building laws before the transfer of substantial budgets — aimed at strengthening Arab local authorities and implementing housing solutions — is harmful and pushes Arabs into an impossible corner.

The first program, the Arab Development Plan (Decision 922), included plans to provide solutions for the lack of master and detailed plans in Arab local authorities, upgrade engineering departments in these authorities, and close the decades-long planning gaps between Jewish and Arab towns due to long term government inaction.

The plan was that construction permits would be issued following the creation of planning infrastructure for master and detailed plans in Arab towns, a necessary prerequisite for granting building permits. Finally, Arab citizens would see the first step in improving the serious housing shortage afflicting their communities, following years of chaotic building and long-term neglect of planning issues.

Now, when the government is in the very initial steps of implementing the decision to narrow the housing gap and provide planning infrastructure in Arab towns, and even before a single residential construction plan has been approved, this damaging proposal by lawmakers, demanding immediate enforcement of laws against illegal construction has surfaced. This, of course, will lead to more home demolitions, more conflict, and no positive solution for Arab...

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Who notices when a Palestinian construction worker falls to his death?

Abed al-Harush is the 22nd construction worker killed in a work accident this year. That’s a number you won’t hear in the mainstream Israeli press.

By Ruti Feuchtwanger

Have you heard of Abed al-Harush from the West Bank city of Yatta?

Probably not. And that’s not your fault. Most of us haven’t heard about him or his death, since it received very little attention in the press. No top headline, despite the fact that he deserved one, considering the way he died.

Al-Harush is the 22nd construction worker who has died in a work accident in 2016. He was killed on Wednesday, July 27 on 1 Popel Street in the city of Rishon LeZion. Warnings about the project’s lack of safety had been previously sounded to the team’s head of safety. For Abed al-Harush it ended with death. He fell from the seventh story after stepping on an improvised surface that collapsed. He didn’t stand a chance.

His death passed without much noise, just like that of 21 other workers who were killed before him this year, and Turkish laborer Younis Uzdamir who was killed this week and another construction worker who was killed this morning. There have been approximately 300 cases of construction worker deaths in the past decade — not including those in the occupied territories, which the head of occupational safety does not include in official reports.

Construction in Israel is a chronicle of a death foretold. Not because the issue of construction does not interest us. On the contrary: we are constantly discussing the housing crisis, the price of housing, and shady real estate deals. But of the enormous cost of human life we do not speak. At least not enough.

It is sad to say it, but it’s easy to just move on from the issue, since most construction workers who are injured or die are not Jewish Israelis — they are usually Arab citizens of Israel, Palestinians from the occupied territories, or foreign workers. They have no voice. No one counts them.

These aren’t localized incidents — this is policy. A policy of ignoring general safety rules, ignoring warnings, enforcement that hardly exists, a failure to take legal steps. When these accidents happen they are not reported, while neither the contractors nor the developers are punished. No fines, no arrests, not even an automatic stop-work order.

The Ministry of Economy’s occupational health and safety...

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It's time for Israelis to acknowledge that Arab lives matter

As Israelis debate whether an Israeli soldier should or shouldn’t have killed an incapacitated Palestinian, it becomes clear that we know close to nothing about the victims of the occupation.

By Orit Kamir

Elor Azaria is an Israeli soldier, a paramedic, who shot and killed a Palestinian civilian that had previously tried to stab Israeli soldiers in Hebron. Azaria shot the Palestinian in the head when the man was lying on the ground, at Azaria’s feet, helpless and defenseless. Since the event was photographed and publicized, Elor Azaria has been put on trial for manslaughter. His trial is the talk of the town and the country is up in arms over it. Many Israelis — including leading politicians and government members — support Azaria and consider him a hero. Prime Minister Netanyahu called his parents to express his support and sympathy. Israeli media and public discourse never tire of scrutinizing every little detail related to him. Yet no one seems to remember his victim, the young man whose life he took: Abdel Fatah al-Sharif.

Having read media coverage of Azaria’s ADHD, it suddenly hit me that I knew nothing, not a single thing, of his victim; the person whose killing seems to be shaking Israeli society to its core. I know not where he lived, what his life was like, what caused him to go out on his suicide mission. I have no idea what his face looked like; what his eyes conveyed: no one bothered to supply me with his photo. A lengthy search on the internet revealed little: al-Sharif was 21 years old when he died. His body was returned by Israel to his family, and his funeral gave rise to anti-Israeli sentiment. That’s it. That’s all I could find. Apparently, that’s all we, Israelis, want to know about the victim of the killing that supposedly has us exasperated.

Was al-Sharif enraged by the killing of a family member at the hands of Israeli soldiers? Had he lost his job? Did he seek a hero’s death, as did other young Palestinians? Was he influenced by religious ideology? It seems that we, Israelis, couldn’t care less who Abdel Fatah al-Sharif was, and what drove him. To my astonishment, not a single journalist has taken the time to look into these questions, attempting to provide us with even the bare minimum information. We — the public and its media — are...

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After FIFA complaint, Israel lets Gaza soccer players travel to championship game in Hebron

The Palestine Cup final, which was originally scheduled to take place Saturday, was delayed due to an Israeli-imposed travel ban on 11 players from Gaza. Petition to boot Israeli settlement teams collects 150,000 signatures.

By Yoni Mendel

Seventy-two hours after Israel refused to allow 11 Palestinian soccer players travel from Gaza to the West Bank to participate in the Palestine Cup, Israeli authorities reversed a travel ban on six of the players on Monday.

The approval, which followed a Palestinian complaint to FIFA, international soccer’s governing body, paves the way for the final game to go forward on Tuesday.

The game was originally scheduled to take place on Saturday, but was delayed due to an Israeli-imposed travel ban on 11 players from Shabab Khan Younis in Gaza. The Shin Bet, at the time, said it had “severe negative security background” on the banned players.

Last year as well, Israel did not allow players from a different Gaza-based team to travel to Hebron for the national championship game. Then, as now, Israel approved the permits only in the wake of international pressure from FIFA.

In a nearly identical incident last week, Israel prevented seven Palestinian players from Hebron-based Ahly al-Khalil from entering the Gaza Strip to play Shabab Khan Younis, citing the fact that they hold Israeli ID cards. Israeli military authorities also delayed the rest of Ahly al-Khalil for 12 hours at the Erez Border crossing.

Despite having only 11 players available due to Israeli restrictions, Ahly al-Khalil won that match.

The Palestinian Football Association withdrew a motion to expel Israel from FIFA last year as part of a compromise that was meant to establish a committee to ensure freedom of movement for Palestinian soccer players.

Palestinian sports officials will surely raise the events of recent days with FIFA. What is not clear is whether they will attempt to revive efforts to have Israel expelled from the international sports body.

An online petition to FIFA that had collected nearly 150,000 signatures by Monday demanded that the international soccer organization apply its bylaws to Israeli soccer clubs operating in the occupied West Bank.

“If the Israeli Football Association doesn’t comply it must lose its membership with FIFA, as has been the case with other federations that have refused to accept FIFA’s fair play rules,” the petition reads.

The Israeli army controls the only regularly operating border crossing in and out of the Gaza Strip,...

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Palestinians turn to FIFA over Israeli restrictions

For the second time in a week, Israeli authorities place travel restrictions on players meant to participate in Palestine Cup matches. A motion to expel Israel from FIFA last year was withdrawn after Palestinians received assurances on freedom of movement.

The Palestinian Football Association said it will escalate its complaint with FIFA, soccer’s international governing body, over Israel’s refusal to allow Palestinian soccer players to travel between the West Bank and Gaza for games in the Palestine Cup over the past week, Palestinian news site Sawa reported Saturday.

The complaint comes as the Israeli military has refused to allow seven players from Gaza-based Shabab Khan Younis to exit the Gaza Strip in order to play a Palestine Cup match in the West Bank in Hebron on Saturday.

Appeals to Israeli officials to resolve the matter were reportedly unsuccessful. Palestinian Football Association officials delayed Saturday’s game by 48 hours in hopes that with the intervention of FIFA, Israel might allow the Palestinian players to exit Gaza in order to play in the cup match.

The Palestinian Football Association withdrew a motion to expel Israel from FIFA last year as part of a compromise that was meant to establish a committee to ensure freedom of movement for Palestinian soccer players.

Palestinian authorities said they are also planning an international campaign to raise awareness of Israeli restrictions, according to the report in Sawa.

In a nearly identical incident earlier this week, Israel prevented seven Palestinian players from Hebron-based Ahly al-Khalil from entering the Gaza Strip to play Shabab Khan Younis, citing the fact that they hold Israeli ID cards. Israeli military authorities also delayed the rest of Ahly al-Khalil for 12 hours at the Erez Border crossing, the only active border crossing in and out of the Gaza Strip.

Despite having only 11 players available due to Israeli restrictions, Ahly al-Khalil won that match.

The Shin Bet, Israel’s domestic intelligence agency, told Haaretz that it decided to not let the Palestinian players leave the Gaza Strip “due to damaging security information and in light of the security situation.”

The Israeli army controls the only regularly operating border crossing in and out of the Gaza Strip, in addition to claiming complete control over its airspace, maritime zones, population registry, and all decisions regarding who and what may enter and exit the besiegedturn territory.

The Palestinians and the entire international community consider the West Bank and Gaza Strip to be parts of the same...

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When Israel's leaders incite, one soldier pays the price

Elor Azaria is guilty for firing the bullet that killed Abdel Fatteh al-Sharif this past March. But let us not forget the long line of inciting comments by top Israeli leaders that made it possible.

By Noam Rotem

Sgt. Elor Azaria stood on the witness stand during his trial this past week and described what led him to fire a bullet into Abdel Fatteh al-Sharif’s head on March 24 in Hebron’s Tel Rumeida neighborhood. Al-Sharif had, just moments before, stabbed an Israeli soldier before he was shot, wounded and posed no threat to anyone. Azaria fired his weapon directly at al-Sharif’s head as the latter laid sprawled out on the ground.

Since September 22, 2015, over 220 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli soldiers or police officers. Many of them allegedly took part in attacks on soldiers, policemen, and civilians. Aside from Azaria, no other soldiers or policemen were ever put on trial.

There is no arguing over the fact that Azaria was indeed the one who shot and killed al-Sharif. His line of defense has been the “justification” for the shooting, in an attempt to claim that he feared for his and others’ lives, and thus the incident will pass just like all the other ones from the last months. Some will claim that the only difference is that Azaria was caught on camera, but this is not exactly true: the officers who shot Muhammad Abu Halef in February were filmed by an Al-Jazeera crew that was at the scene — he too was sprawled out on the ground and posed no threat. The same goes for the killing of Hadeel al-Hashlamon, which took place when she was lying on the ground at a Hebron checkpoint, and many other cases. Not a single one of these incidents ended with putting soldiers or police officers on trial.

Instead of trying to justify his deplorable actions, Azaria must claim abuse of process. Two-hundred and twenty killed since October, and only one indictment for killing? Azaria, after all, did what everyone around him told him to do:

Education Minister Naftali Bennett said “I killed a lot of terrorists, too bad I didn’t kill more, anyone who raises his hand against Israel must die.” Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan said that “every terrorist must know that he will not survive the attack he is about to carry out.” Erdan’s predecessor, Yitzhak Aharonovich, announced that “every attack must end with the terrorist’s...

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Home demolitions are organized state violence

Over the last decade, Israel has demolished over 1,100 Palestinian homes in the West Bank, leaving homeless more than 5,199 people, including at least 2,602 minors. The extensive demolitions are part of a broader Israeli policy of forced transfer. The following speech was delivered at a conference on home demolitions held at the Knesset on July 27, 2016.

By Hagai El-Ad

Esteemed Members of the Knesset, colleagues from the human rights and diplomatic communities and B’Tselem staff. Thank you for taking the initiative to convene this session and for taking ongoing and important actions in this area.

More than 5,000 people, including 2,602 minors. Over 1,100 homes. These are the figures for the last 10 years, from 2006 through June of this year.

Nearly 500 people, including 287 minors. One hundred and twenty-five homes. These are the figures for 2015.

Seven hundred and forty people, half of them minors. One hundred and sixty-eight homes. These are the figures for this year, from January through June of 2016.

This total does not include homes that Israel demolished more than once, nor the so-called “punitive demolitions” – i.e., collective punishment that targets the families of perpetrators of attacks. These figures refer only to demolitions that Israel carried out on the cynical grounds that these homes were constructed unlawfully – meanwhile, the reality is that Israel ensures that Palestinians are unable to undertake lawful construction.

First and foremost, these figures deal with human lives. Lives that Israel ruins, deliberately, as part of a broader strategy designed to dispossess Palestinians from vast areas of the West Bank, to make their lives unbearable until they finally take the hint and move, to move them into smaller concentrated areas, to push them out.

We at B’Tselem present these figures and explain their import to the Israeli public, to you – members of Knesset, and to the world. We show how Israel managed to perfect to a veritable art form the knack of employing bureaucratic mechanisms to promote the big move of dispossessing Palestinians in the West Bank, and to justify it all on administrative and legal grounds. This is organized state violence, and all the Israeli branches of government are party to it, each playing its own role: the planning mechanisms, the military, the Civil Administration, and also the settlers, and last but not least, the courts that serve as the crowning jewel in whitewashing the...

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+972 is an independent, blog-based web magazine. It was launched in August 2010, resulting from a merger of a number of popular English-language blogs dealing with life and politics in Israel and Palestine.

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