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Women of the Wall victory can teach us a few things

If we succeeded at pushing the government to find a solution on a matter as sensitive as the Western Wall, then we can also push Israel’s leadership — from a perspective of self interest — to make other, equally positive decisions.

By Batya Kallus

Last Sunday, following a 27-year struggle by Women of the Wall, the Israeli government approved a plan to create a new pluralistic, egalitarian and feminist plaza alongside the ultra-Orthodox prayer plaza at the Western Wall in Jerusalem. This is first and foremost a victory for Jewish feminists. But imagine — a group of Jewish religious women engaged in grassroots feminist activism, who really only wanted to pray together on Rosh Hodesh according to their custom and never imagined themselves as heroines, have upset the balance of power in the battle of religion and state, and catalyzed transformative social and political change.

Together with representatives of the Reform and Conservative movements, I was one of two women who, for two-and-a-half years, negotiated this agreement to achieve equality and justice for Women of the Wall (WOW). My participation in the negotiations gave me insights that were more far-reaching than simply where and in what way Women of the Wall would pray at the Western Wall.

As I sat at the negotiating table, I thought about the significance and meaning of recognition. The government recognized the legitimacy of Women of the Wall. It recognized the Reform and Conservative movements, and by doing so, it recognized the majority of Jews who don’t fit the standard Israeli belief that orthodoxy is the exclusive legitimate form of Jewish religious expression.

I learned that the government had a very strong self-interest in achieving an agreement, and this was a powerful motivating force. The government hated that there was an ongoing conflict between ultra-Orthodox prayer goers and women attending WOW services at the Wall. The arrests of more than 50 women, including two American rabbis, provoked a deep crisis with Diaspora Jewry, who were appalled by the thought of women being arrested for wearing tallitot and singing out loud.

If it were only a matter of a few annoying women, perhaps the government would not have stepped up to the plate. However, our refusal to be silenced, and the international outrage over these arrests between 2012-2013, compelled the government to invite us to the table to find a solution — together. From this I...

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Economic equality is an unconditional right

Right-wing ministers in Israel’s government are putting their own political interests over the economic and social needs of the country’s Arab citizens.

By Rawnak Natour and Abed Kanaaneh

Arab citizens of the State of Israel have suffered from discrimination by the establishment since the day the country declared independence in 1948, discrimination that is reflected in almost every aspect of their lives: land confiscation, discrimination in housing and employment, extreme disparities in health and educational services, and an absence of infrastructure and proper sources of funding for local government councils. This has given rise to serious problems such as poverty, violence and environmental harm. In recent years this historical discrimination has been joined by a series of racist and anti-democratic laws passed by the far-right government.

Under these complex conditions, the present government, which we see as the most racist ever towards Arab citizens, recently approved an economic plan to support the Arab sectors of Israeli society. The plan has been described as historic and unprecedented, but has also aroused surprise and suspicion. As expected, reactions in Arab society were mixed, ranging from sweeping support to profound skepticism regarding the plan’s implementation and its real intentions.

Still, not a single official or member of the Arab establishment in Israel has opposed the plan unequivocally. Despite the many difficulties involved in approving it in a series of cabinet meetings, all in all it was welcomed.

The Israeli Right, on the other hand, had reservations about the plan and even opposed it. The objections were primarily rooted in the realization that the big difference between this and previous plans lies in the principle of introducing a change in the budgetary mechanisms on which it is based – as opposed to topical remedies like one-time grants, as was done in the past.

This important principle, that the entire system itself needs to be changed, along with the structures that created the institutionalized discrimination and disparities in the first place, is the main and most important message of the new plan, and that is why it also frightens opponents of equality and partnership. For years The Arab leadership, as well as Sikkuy and many other civil society organizations, have demanded the advancement of full equality in all areas of life by means of this principle.

Genuine equality cannot be achieved with one-time grants. Only a profound change in the very system that created the disparities,...

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The best response to Israel’s new stop-and-frisk law: Stop showering

A new law in Israel gives police broad powers to search anyone in an area they say there’s a fear of ‘hostile terrorist activities.’ Or in other words: anywhere with a critical mass of Arabs. Here’s how to fight back.

By Fady Khoury

What does Israel’s new stop-and-frisk law mean? What should you do about it?

Prior to the new law, which was passed in the Knesset on Tuesday, police were authorized to search anyone without a warrant if they had reasonable suspicion (probable cause) that the person was carrying a weapon illegally (on their person or in their car), or was planning to commit a crime with a weapon.

One can question what constitutes reasonable suspicion within that framework, but in short, at least there existed an objective element the officer needed to seek: a weapon. The suspicion that someone is carrying a weapon can’t just be made up, although we know there has always been an element of arbitrariness — after all, we are talking about the Israeli Police.

The “Stop and Frisk Law,” or its official name, the Authorities for Preserving Public Safety Law (Amendment No. 5 and Temporary Provision), 2016, adds to the existing law, and grants police officers the authority to search anyone without a warrant in order to determine whether they are in possession of a weapon, if the officer has a reasonable suspicion that the person is going to commit a violent crime against somebody else.

I can live with that. But a clause attached to the new amendment adds: “For the purposes of this amendment reasonable suspicion shall be, among others, if the person is acting aggressively in a public place, or employs verbal violence or threats, or acts alarmingly or otherwise frighteningly.” In other words: any behavior that might piss off a cop.

And yet that still doesn’t really raise a red flag for me, especially due to the fact that existing laws already grant broad powers to police. What does set off the alarm bells? Clause 6.B, titled “Police powers to conduct a body search of a person in a location thought to be a target for hostile terrorist activities.” The clause authorizes a police district commander to declare any area as one in which there is a real fear that “hostile terrorist activities” will take place, and then police can search people without having to satisfy a requirement...

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'Ethics c'tee mulls forcing treatment on hunger striking journalist'

Palestinian reporter Muhammad al-Qiq has been on hunger strike for some 70 days in protest of his administrative detention — a tool Israeli authorities use to imprison people without charge or trial. Ethics committee considers treating him against his will.

By Yael Marom and Noam Rotem

The medical ethics committee at Emek Medical Center reportedly met on Thursday to discuss forcefully administering medical treatment to hunger striking Palestinian journalist Muhammad al-Qiq. Israel passed a law last summer allowing the force-feeding of hunger striking prisoners under some conditions, something that directly contradicts established medical ethics and international conventions. It has never been used.

Doctors at the Emek Medical Center reportedly sent two medical updates within the span of a few hours to the Supreme Court on Tuesday about the deterioration of Palestinian al-Qiq, who has been on hunger strike for some 70 days in protest of his administrative detention. In its ruling denying al-Qiq’s release last week, the Supeme Court said it would follow his health on a daily basis. The panel of three justices said that if his condition worsened, the State would need to revisit its position.

The journalist’s attorneys argued against him being held in administrative detention at all, but also that due to his medical state he could no longer be considered dangerous.

Israel uses administrative detention to imprison Palestinians, and sometimes Jews, without charge or trial. Administrative detention orders are generally for six months but can be renewed indefinitely. The only way administrative detainees can challenge their detention, aside from court challenges that almost always fail, is to go on hunger strike.

A number of Palestinians have won their release from Israeli administrative detention in recent years after lengthy hunger strike. Many have nearly died.

One of al-Qiq’s attorneys, Jawad Boulus, head of the legal department at the Palestinian Prisoners Club, said that according to the second medical report submitted to the court on Tuesday, the hunger striking journalist is in tremendous pain and it will soon be too late to give him any meaningful medical treatment. His attorney, who visited al-Qiq on Thursday, said he looks like a “skeleton.”

Against the recommendation of his doctors, al-Qiq is reportedly refusing all medical treatment and tests and is not taking any dietary supplements. Earlier this week, al-Qiq’s attorneys reported that he had lost his ability to hear and 60 percent of his sight.


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'But you don't look like an Arab'

Years of failed coexistence projects between Jews and Palestinians, which were always intended to show Jews that we too are human beings, made me realize that enough is enough.

By Muhammad Kabha

Years of failed coexistence projects between Jews and Palestinians, which were always intended to show Jews that we too are human beings, brought me to the conclusion that enough is enough.

On the day I first opened my eyes I met my dad’s Jewish friends. They were very nice. “Kiffi,” the blonde soldier who worked as a server in the wedding hall where my dad cooked, loved me. To this day, I remember how one day I went with him on errands throughout the town of Pardes Hannah. Kiffi let me play with his gun. When I was curious, he let me have my first gulp of beer. I was told by many that I was a good-looking but mischievous child. The compliments had an added value when they came from Jews. I never asked myself why.

I had fun on the days when “al-Hawajeh” (“the mister”), my uncle’s friend, was supposed to visit us. There was a festive atmosphere in the house and the entire neighborhood knew it. Mom, grandma and the uncles would be busy preparing food starting in the morning. I would watch Dr. Yona eat from afar. I would sit there relaxed and satisfied when he complimented my grandmother on the food she had prepared.

Everyone was surprised by the ability of my uncle, the trader, to connect to Jews. He was always praised for it. He taught them at Kfar Hayarok, an agricultural youth village and boarding school near Tel Aviv, so he knew them well and knew how to win over their hearts.

During the olive harvest each year he would always bring labneh, za’atar, fresh-baked bread and olive oil to some of his Jewish friends’ homes. That’s how you do business with them, I deduced.

We watched the Israel-Jordan peace treaty signing on live television at our school. Just a year later, my friend Bader told me that Prime Minister Rabin had been murdered the night before. We didn’t study that day. We sat and mourned in our classroom, with its asbestos ceiling, broken windows and no door. “Ustaz” Afif, our music teacher, handed out the lyrics that began “Let the sun rise, and give the morning light,” and played the...

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Being a Mizrahi woman in the Left

My leftism is beyond the establishment, and it stems first and foremost from my experiences as an outsider.

By Netta Amar-Shiff

I grew up in a house that was mostly involved in maintaining family unity and keeping the mitzvot, all within the geographical radius of my home, my synagogue, and my school. Although I never knew who or what Arabs were, I knew a little bit of Arabic, since I lived with my grandmother, may her memory be a blessing, for several years. When I was young knowledge of the language did not serve as a bridge for anyone in my neighborhood, since I lived in a Mizrahi ghetto, for all its beauty and hardships.

My leftism did not come from Marx, Stalin, World War II, or the Holocaust, though I read many books about the latter as I grew up. My leftism stemmed neither from theories of universalism, humanism or pacifism nor from years-long knowledge of the occupation, or the public debate about the tension between Jewish and democratic. I read and learned about all these over the years.

My leftism is not committed to parties or organizations, although I do have political preferences and I have worked and volunteered with human rights organizations over the years. My leftism is not defiantly secular, although I have drifted away from religion while holding on to family traditions.

My leftism is beyond the establishment, and it stems first and foremost from my experiences as an outsider, even when I was deep in the Israeli-religious-Mizrahi experience. My leftism mainly stems from my very personal experiences of mourning, of my father whose life came to an end in a helicopter accident in the army. My leftist stems from a spring of Mizrahiness, with all its pain and humanity, but also with respect — respect for myself and others. All of these things became a part of me without ever knowing — whether from the home or from the community that surrounded me. My community did not include brothers of, parents of, or children of celebrities or political activists who went out to change the world. I was just another Mizrahi girl in the heart of the consensus.

I came to understand the Left only after I happened to meet others who identified, more or less, as leftists. I saw their pain and humanity, along with their Ashkenazi arrogance. But once I got to...

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Netanyahu's race-baiting was long-planned, not a 'lapse in judgement'

The prime minister’s Election Day warning that ‘Arabs are coming out in droves to the polls’ was the culmination of months of focus groups and a clear-eyed strategy from Likud operatives, a new Channel 2 report reveals.

By Mitchell Plitnick

Controversial comments by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu about heavy voter turnout in Israel’s Arab sector were not one-time mistakes but part of a broader strategy executed by the Likud campaign, a report broadcast Monday by Israel’s Channel 2 News demonstrated.

Netanyahu was heavily criticized, at home and abroad, for his last-minute plea for right-wing voters to support him at the polls in order to block Arab electoral strength. “Arab voters are coming out in droves to the polls,” Netanyahu declared in a video message broadcast on Facebook. “Left-wing organizations are busing them out.”

The comment drew a rebuke from the Obama administration and Netanyahu expressed his “regret” in an apology to Israel’s Arab community after the election, casting the race-baiting remark as a simple lapse in judgment during a heated campaign.

But the new report by Amit Segal, a well-known religious and right-wing political commentator, casts a sharp and unflattering light on the last days of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s campaign for re-election in 2015.

Segal describes a process, including polling and focus groups, which had shown the Likud that dealing with economic matters, or going after Bennett was not a winning strategy. Rather, their research had suggested that Likud does best when voters are afraid of the consequences of a left-wing victory and that the issue of security, being tough with relation to the conflict with the Palestinians, was Netanyahu’s greatest strength. Fear, in other words, was the best way for Likud to get votes.

For much of the campaign, Netanyahu and other leaders did not fully heed this advice. While they did focus on security, they did so in a way that looked more beyond the borders than within the country. Even when Netanyahu was using fear in his campaign, it was much more focused on external threats like ISIL, like in the ad reported on in this piece, casting Israel’s left wing and Arab voters as too weak to oppose such forces.

They also tried to engage with Bennett from the right and on the economy from the center. It was only on the last day that they employed their anti-Left and anti-Arab strategy...

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We need a center-left political alternative in Israel

This is not a time for ideological purity. There is an overriding goal and that is ending the Occupation.

By Jeremiah Haber

Since the election of Ehud Barak as prime minister in 1999, if not earlier, there has been no center-left in Israel. Of course, there has been something referred to as “center-left” but that was only relative to the so-called Right of the Likud, Kadima, Shinui, Yesh Atid, and defunct parties whose names I forget. Former prime minister Ehud Barak managed almost single-handedly to destroy the center-left, which had supported recognition of the rights of the Palestinians to self-determination, and which had viewed moderate Israelis and Palestinians as partners for peace against the extremists of both sides. With Barak, even before the total collapse of the peace process, the motivation for a settlement with the Palestinians was to separate the populations, to keep the West Bank and Gaza under direct security and indirect economic control of Israel, and to grant limited autonomy to Palestinians. Barak’s views differed little from Netanyahu, which explains in part his ability to serve as defense minister in Netanyahu’s government.

The Barak Doctrine was simple: separation from the Palestinians (“We are here; they are there”); Israeli security and economic control over the West Bank and Gaza; limited Palestinian autonomy with Israel’s security being contracted out, in part, to the Palestinian Authority. Israel would help facilitate, or at least would not stand in the way, of Palestinian economic growth in areas that did not threaten the Israeli economy. The difference, perhaps, between Barak and Netanyahu was the extent of expansion into the West Bank they thought possible. Both were willing to allow settlements — even outside the settlement blocs — to grow without taking steps to curb them.

The Barak Doctrine should now be known as the Herzog Doctrine; in fact, I cannot see any difference between them. From Barak’s Labor Party to Herzog’s Zionist Union, there has been a consistent vision of the status quo and the endgame; the party’s criticisms against the Right have generally been more of style than of substance. Herzog has often criticized Netanyahu for alienating Israel’s allies, and for his relying on the extreme right wing. Instead of presenting the Zionist Camp as an ideological alternative to the Likud and the other right-wing parties, he has presented himself as a more effective political leader than Bibi. He will do what...

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Hunger striking Palestinian journalist accuses hospital of forced treatment

Palestinian journalist Muhammad al-Qiq, who began his hunger strike 60 days ago, claims hospital staff have been forcing him to receive liquids intravenously against his will.

By Noam Rotem (translated by Einat Adar)

In Afula’s Haemek Medical Center, a 33-year-old Palestinian journalist Muhammad al-Qiq is being shackled to his bed 24 hours a day. Next to him stand two prison guards. Although it is unclear what he is being accused of, al-Qiq was put under administrative detention and violently interrogated for weeks without being allowed to see a lawyer. After realizing that his arrest was political, al-Qiq declared a hunger strike. Sixty days have passed since he began refusing food, and according to those around him, his life is in danger.

It is reasonable to assume that most people have never heard of al-Qiq or his struggle against his arbitrary arrest, a struggle that is ongoing despite the fact that the state has not charged him with a crime. Perhaps it is because his name is Muhammad, or perhaps it is because he is Palestinian and this is just the kind of thing that happens to Palestinians under Israeli military rule. Whatever the reason, al-Qiq is slowly dying in a hospital in Afula and the media takes no interest.

Al-Qiq and his attorney, Samer Sam’an, claim that the doctors at Haemek Medical Center are forcing him to receive liquids through an IV. According to Sam’an, who visited him on January 18 on behalf of Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), al-Qiq’s feet and hands were tied to the bed while the guards held him down and a staff member forcefully injected liquids into his arm through an IV. Al-Qiq was kept in this state for four days; only on the fifth day was he allowed to remove the IV and shower.

According to al-Qiq, the medical staff put heavy pressure on him to take liquid food two weeks ago, and only ceased after his attorney intervened in the matter.

Medical staff at hospitals are committed to certain ethical rules. The actions allegedly undertaken by the staff at Haemek Medical Center violate these rules and raise serious concerns about violations of medical ethics.

PHR claim the alleged administration of medical treatment against al-Qiq’s will violates several rules, treaties and agreements, including the Patient’s Rights Law — which requires a conscious agreement by the patient in order to undertake treatment. Since al-Qiq...

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In the Jewish state, equality for Arabs is impossible by definition

Isn’t it time to finally ask why every single attempt to achieve full equality for Palestinian citizens has failed?

By Umar al-Ghubari (translated by Richard Flantz)

This week the Israeli army radio, Galei Tzahal, conducted a survey which, among other things, polled the attitude of Israeli Jews regarding full equal rights for Arab citizens of Israel. The results of the survey, conducted among 503 Jews, revealed that the Jewish public in this country is almost equally divided on this issue. 45 percent oppose full equal rights for the state’s Arab citizens, 43 percent are in favor, 6 percent replied “it depends” (it’s unclear on what) and six percent do not know their position on this.

Two interesting points arise from the way this survey was conducted. First, in a militaristic society like Israel, it is not surprising that an army radio station intervenes in the civil realm without question, reflecting the clear overlap between (Jewish) civil society and the military in Israel. Secondly, those conducting the survey only asked Jews, and are thus acting on the idea that Jews in this country have the sole authority to determine whether and how equal the Arab can be. By doing so they continue to shape public opinion such that it is completely natural that Jews have the final word.

68 years of failure

Because of these deeply-rooted conceptions, which stem from the very definition of the state as the state of the Jewish people, there is no chance of achieving equality in the State of Israel — even if the results of the survey were to show that a large majority of Jews supported equality in principle. This is not just about what people want, it is a question of whether it is even possible. The State of Israel, with its self-definition, its mission, the way it was established, its priorities, its symbols, name and national anthem, cannot — even if it wanted to — bring about equality between Jews and non-Jews.

The state of the Jews is by necessity a racist state. It cannot be anything else. This is structured and rooted in its very definition. It was founded on Jewish privilege, supremacy and sovereignty, and many of its laws were legislated and many of its goals were formulated on the basis of giving preference to its Jewish citizens.

Since the establishment of the state, Palestinian citizens,...

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When criticism of occupation becomes 'subversion'

The political arrests of anti-occupation activists is just the latest step in the Right’s war against political dissidents. The next stage is anybody’s guess.

By Itay Mack

The arrest of three anti-occupation activists, Ezra Nawi, Guy Butavia, and Nasser Nawajah, and the refusal to let them meet with their attorneys, did not take place as a result of them committing criminal offenses. The arrests were the result of the state’s security authorities belief that the activists were participating in the subversion of the existing order — one whose entire purpose is to entrench an irreversible occupation. The remnants of the Left in Israel cannot see the bigger picture, but rather are busy mourning over their tarnished image.

These latest events are not part of the Right’s struggle to replace the “elites” — that happened long ago in the army, the courts, and the political establishment. The goal of the Right is the destruction of all left-wing remnants. Anyone who watches videos put out by anti-occupation group Ta’ayush — of which Nawi and Butavia are members — will be convinced of the hatred that some members of Israel’s security forces harbor toward so-called “Israel haters.” Those who read the Facebook pages of leaders of the extreme right will understand that the incitement and hatred toward human rights activists could potentially lead to their death.

The elimination of the Left is being led by current and former top-ranking officials, in the political echelon, the security establishment, and the legal system. They are taking a double-pronged approach: public delegitimization and criminalization of human rights activists. Public delegitimization allows to mold public opinion against the Left and human rights activists, so that the majority will support outlawing both left-wing organizations and any activity that promotes human rights. This majority is crucial for providing democratic cover for an undemocratic move.

For dozens of years, Palestinians have been arrested, tortured, accused, and imprisoned under the pretext of breaking the law, although the subtext has always been an accusation of subversion against an oppressive regime of occupation. What we have seen over the past year has been the use of very similar tools against Jewish citizens.

We must remember that these tools were already used against members of the extreme right. Israel’s legal establishment gave the green light to torture them, prevent them from meeting with their attorneys, and keeping them in administrative...

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No room for occupation in Israel's civics curriculum

Students who open up the Education Ministry’s new civics textbook won’t find a word about military rule or discrimination against 20 percent of the population. There’s a reason for that.

By Gil Gertel

Education Minister Naftali Bennett has managed to make some changes in Israel’s civic education curriculum: it is now more religious and less humanistic. The problem is not with civic education, but rather with the state; civic education reflects reality, not those who mold it. The responsibility for reality does not fall on teachers, but on our elected leadership.

Bennett is pushing education to the right

It is true that Bennett recently fired the chairperson of the Pedagogic Secretariat, appointing Dalia Fenig in his stead. Who is Fenig? She is the one who decided that Israeli students would not be able to read a book about a relationship between a Jewish woman and a Palestinian man, because those idiots might just end up having their own relationships with non-Jews.

It is true that Bennett appointed Assaf Malach to head the professional advisory committee on civics. Malach is a settler from Ofra, a doctor who researched the legitimacy of the Jewish nation-state. He knows how to explain just why Palestinians — even if they are defined as a nation — are not entitled to a state of their own. The Jews, of course, are. Those who are not convinced by his argument are labeled “refugees of the Jewish tradition searching for a way toward global culture.” He also claimed that the Nakba is a “position taken by the enemy” and not a historical event.

It is true that Bennett himself, without the assistance of his two wonderful helpers, hold positions that belong to Ancient Greece: equal rights for those who are like me.

It is true that the Jewish Home party rewrote the civics book. And although the book has yet to be published, it has already been the subject of a hearing in the Knesset Education, Culture, and Sports Committee. The irony? Assaf Malach told the ministers, members of Knesset and others at the hearing that they “cannot interfere in the curriculum.” As if this isn’t what Bennett has been doing. He also promised that changes were not made in he curriculum (so why do we need a new book?). This argument did not confuse Committee Chairman Yaakov Margi, who summarized it nicely: “The committee cannot ignore the criticism...

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Israelis, Palestinians march together against the occupation

The new monthly march is held along a major settler highway, ensuring that Israeli settlers see Jews and Palestinians working together to nonviolently end the occupation.

Text by Yael Marom
Photos by Oren Ziv/

Hundreds of Palestinian and Israeli activists marched from the Palestinian village of Hussan to the main settler checkpoint in the southern West Bank Friday afternoon, protesting against Israel’s settlements and demanding an end to the 47-year military occupation.

The protest, which took place in an area of the West Bank under full Israeli control and where settlements are situated directly adjacent to Palestinian villages, was accompanied by Israeli army and Border Police forces the whole way. The march followed the southern West Bank’s main north-south highway, which meant it was in plain view of both Israeli settler and Palestinian traffic.

At the start of the demonstration, Israeli police arrested one of the Palestinian organizers, a member of Combatants for Peace, for reasons that were not apparent.

The 200-plus marchers, among them members of Knesset from the Joint List Dov Khenin and Abdullah Abu Ma’aruf, as well as Meretz secretary general Mossi Raz, held signs demanding an end to the occupation, and promoting peace and dialogue. Some of the signs declared that peace is not just a dream, and, “it won’t end until we talk.”

Some of the activists also carried signs in solidarity with a left-wing Israeli activist who was arrested last week as a result of a right-wing hidden-camera ‘sting operation.’ A court gag order forbids the publication of the man’s name.

Israeli settlers are not used to seeing Jews and Palestinians demonstrating together in what is normally an Israeli-army dominated space. That the protest took place in plain view of passersby, mostly setters, was intended to challenge their absolute control over the area.

No small number of Israeli passersby reacted angrily, cursing and even physically threatening the demonstrators.

“This occupation is an ongoing injustice for both nations,” MK Abdullah Abu Ma’aruf (Hadash) said. “This protest demonstrates that there is another way, a path of peace and hope and not despair. You can’t find another occupation like this in the 21st century. We need to end the occupation and create a Palestinian state along ’67 borders — two states for two peoples.”

Combatants for Peace co-director Sulaiman Khatib called on both Palestinian and Israeli activists to join the monthly protests marching on...

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